The
Mirror That Does Not Reflect:
A Study of the Illustrations of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, a Unique
Astrological Manuscript from the Republic
of Georgia, in Relation to
Their Source, the Almanacco
Perpetuo of Ottavio Beltrano
by Timothy P. Grove
Final Project
ISCL 873
Sign, Symbol
and Structure
Presented to
Dr.
Kevin D. Pittle, Ph.D.
School of Intercultural
Studies
Biola University
10 July 2008
© 2008 by Timothy P. Grove, Biola University. All images from the manuscript entitled
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia (Q867) are the
property of Xelnac’erta Erovnuli
Cent’ri (National Centre of Manuscripts), Tbilisi, Republic of Georgia, and
have been made available exclusively for personal academic study. They may not be reproduced or
disseminated in any form. [all images omitted for now]
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia is a unique astrological manuscript
preserved at the National Centre of Manuscripts in Tbilisi, Republic of
Georgia. The manuscript comprises
126 quarto leaves, and dates to the early 18th century,
according to the Centre’s catalogue of manuscripts (Brebadze et al.
1958:269). The text is beautifully written in both black and red ink,
using the Georgian cursive style of writing typical of the 18th century. It contains numerous hand-drawn illustrations which
successfully employ shading and characterization. It is bound in leather,
with a leather strip closed by a button to protect the book when not in
use. No title appears either on the binding or at the beginning of the
text—the title Saet’lo Xiromant’ia
("zodiacal chiromancy") was assigned to the work by its cataloguers,
and was apparently suggested by its first illustration (on page 10 verso), of a human hand with the
principal lines used in palmistry labeled, along with their planetary
assocations. The book’s practical binding and evidence of water-damage
suggest that Saet’lo Xiromant’ia was
the professional manual carried by an itinerant astrologer.
I
first learned of the existence of Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia in an article entitled “The Unknown History of Georgian
Astronomy” (1999) by Dr. Irakli Simonia, a Georgian astrophysicist and
archaeo-astronomer. Based on his description, this is an enigmatic and highly
unusual book, the work of an anonymous author who assembled material from a
wide variety of sources. Although
I had already obtained a copy of king Vakht’ang VI’s Kmnulebis Codnis C’igni (1721, “book of knowledge of creation”), I
was very interested in obtaining another contemporary astrological text with
which to compare it. When I was in
Tbilisi in August 2007, I attempted to get access to the manuscript, but the
reading room at the Xelnac’erta Erovnuli Cent’ri (National Centre of
Manuscripts) was closed for the month due to the hot, humid conditions. However, I was fortunate in gaining the
friendship of Dr. Buba Kudava, the director of the National Centre of
Manuscripts.
As I
learned from Dr. Simonia’s article, one of the more interesting features of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia is its cryptic
reference to a western philosopher named “Belorano,” whom the author compares
to Aristotle and praises in the highest terms—a person unknown to the annals of
western science. The manuscript
also makes some enigmatic references to satellites of Venus and Mars which find
no basis in the science of the time, but find an interesting parallel in a
passage in Gulliver’s Travels (1726)
where Swift notes that the inhabitants of Laputa, apparently by using
reflecting telescopes, had discovered two satellites of Mars, and gives
accurate details about their orbits and orbital periods—150 years before their
discovery (1877) by Asaph Hall of the U.S. Naval Observatory (Simonia 1998).
After
talking with Dr. Simonia, my thoughts kept returning to the name Belorano. Based on my knowledge of Italian,
when I first saw the name spelled this way, I had a feeling that the correct
reading must be "Beltrano,” and unconsciously,
I started making that adjustment mentally. However, I could find no record of any scientist,
philosopher, or astronomer named Beltrano. Finally, on 17 April 2008, I tried searching for this name
on the internet, and discovered that one Ottavio Beltrano (fl. c1620-1671), a
printer and bookseller who worked in Cosenza, Naples, Terranova, and Ancona,
had produced a well-known almanac, the Almanacco
Perpetuo, which went through as many as 45 editions during the 17th
and 18th centuries.
Beltrano also wrote and published a Breve
Descrittione del Regno di Napoli (1640), the last chapter of which was
concerned with astrology and cabalism (Hinck & Wall, 2008). When I learned about this, I was sure I
was on the right track, and two days later (Saturday, 19 April 2008), I had the
good fortune of finding a facsimile of the entire text of a 1754 Venetian
edition of the Almanacco Perpetuo on
the Italian “Laberinto Ermetico” website.
A comparison between this and the Georgian Saet’lo Xiromant’ia quickly confirmed that much of the text and
most of the illustrations were derived from this Italian source.
The
earliest edition I can find of the Almanacco
Perpetuo was printed at Naples by Ottavio Beltrano in 1639 (OCLC 2008);
internal evidence (the horoscope described and illustrated on pages 154-156 of
the 1754 edition) suggests a terminus
post quem of 1635. In fact,
Beltrano’s Almanacco Perpetuo is an
expansion of an earlier work, the Almanacco
perpetuo di Rutillio Benincasa (1593). Rutilio Benincasa (probably a pseudonym, 1555-1626?)
published the earliest version of this almanac in 1593, and there were Venetian
editions of 1612, 1613, and 1622 prior to the time when Beltrano assumed
responsibility for it (OCLC 2008).
Beltrano’s Almanacco Perpetuo,
“diviso in cinque parti,” is updated, “corrected,” and greatly expanded. It is not only an astrological almanac,
but contains Beltrano’s original treatises on such subjects as navigation,
phrenology, physiognomy, medicine, mathematics, and lotto. It thus presents a veritable treasury
of popular lore and pseudo-science, offering a rare glimpse of the popular
culture of 17th century Italy.
The Almanacco Perpetuo is best
described as a piece of ephemeral literature—a handbook for hucksters, quacks,
and wise women, a somewhat sinister Italian counterpart to Poor Richard. The book is written in standard Italian
(Florentine dialect), though features such as the consistent use of the plural article “li” betray its
southern origin. As is often the
case with Venetian printing, the Remondini edition of 1754 is strikingly
bad—riddled with errors of every kind.
It will be necessary for me to locate earlier editions in order to
assess the condition of the text which Beltrano actually transmitted.
Date of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia
There
are a number of indications as to the date of this manuscript. For one thing, it refers to Beltrano in
the past tense (beltrano iq’o), which
appears to establish a terminus post quem
of 1671. However, the series of eclipses described on pages 31r-35r, which I
have conclusively dated to the years 1652-1664, are described in the future
tense (dabneleba ikneba).The listing
of countries on 48v includes Sakartvelo, K’akheti, and Imereti. This presumably reflects a period of
time when there were three Georgian kingdoms, prior to the union of Sakartvelo
and K’akheti under Erekle II in 1762—which may thus be regarded as a terminus ante quem. In addition, I have established that at
one point the perpetual almanac section of Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia was updated by 84 years.
This demonstrates that the book was in use for a century or more!
Place of Writing
A
number of circumstances suggest that Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia originated in western Georgia. The language of the manuscript contrasts markedly with the
learned scientific language cultivated by king Vakht’ang VI in Kmnulebis Codnis C’igni. It is generally easy to read and
understand, and is characterized by the long case endings (-sa, -isa, -ita)
typical of the more conservative western dialect. Numerous archaic or regional forms occur, such as mtovare for mtvare (“moon”—though both forms appear side by side on page 34r), kueq’ana for kveq’ana (“earth, world”), old forms for the numbers 11-19, e.g. atertmet’i for tertmet’i (“eleven”), meatormet’e
for metormet’e (“twelfth”), and the Old Genitive in –ta (e.g. k’acta for k’acebis). This linguistic evidence suggests that Saet’lo Xiromant’ia may have been
written in Kutaisi (capital of the western kingdom of Imereti), or perhaps
somewhere along the Black Sea—Poti, or perhaps Zugdidi, the seat of the princes
of Samegrelo (Mingrelia).
In
addition, several passages point to the input of an Italian speaker, as on 36v,
where the Latin world caelum is transcribed
as chelum, or on 46v, where four
parts of a diagram are labeled a, b, ch,
d (where the Georgian convention would be a, b, g, d). This may
also point to the Black Sea coast, which was frequently visited by Italian
merchants and missionaries. The
efforts of Roman Catholic missionaries had already resulted in the first
printed book in the Georgian language, the Dittionario
Giorgiano e Italiano (1629) compiled by Stefano Paolini and Nicephorus
Irbach (Nikoloz Irubakidze-Cholokashvili) (Chikobava and Vateishvili 1983;
Mikaberidze 2006). Cholokashvili
(1585-1658) had been sent on an embassy to Rome by Teimuraz I of K’akheti
(eastern Georgia), who also welcomed the missionary Cristoforo De’ Castelli; De’ Castelli documented his work in Georgia (1627-1654)
in a fascinating album of sketches (available online at http://beroma.livejournal.com/6784.html).
In 1628, Urban VIII entrusted the
Theatines with the mission to Georgia, and they were joined by the Capuchins in
1661 (Catholic Encyclopedia).
During the first decades of the 18th century, Roman Catholic
missionaries were also present in Tbilisi, where they educated prince Vakhushti
(1696-1757), the son of king Vakht’ang VI, himself a secret convert to
Catholicism (“Vakhushti,” 2008).
Authorship of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia
There
are very few clues as to the authorship of Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia. Dr. Simonia
mentioned two theories which have been circulated. For one thing, it has been suggested that the manuscript was
written by king Vakh’tang VI, who was responsible for Kmnulebis Codnis C’igni (1721, translated from the Persian of ‘Ali
Qushji) and left several other astronomical works in manuscript. Simonia is dismissive of this
suggestion, but suspects that Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia was the work of a Georgian priest. In any case, I think it probable that one of the Italian
missionaries had a hand in the project.
Contents of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia
It
is sufficiently clear that Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia is an eclectic text, a collection derived from a variety of
sources besides the Almanacco Perpetuo
(which appears to account for no more than 25% of the text). The introductory section is very likely
an original composition; it begins by quoting from the book of Job and has
quite a bit to say about mirrors (sark’e)
and about hell (jojoxeti). There are two successive descriptions
of the seven planets (3r-5r and 5r-9v).
The first set appears to be original, and contains some very strange
material. The second set is
definitely drawn from some other source, since the top half of page 7r has been
left blank, with a note in the margin:
zoharis ambavi ak’lda dedans
(“description of Venus is missing from the original”). The section on chiromancy may or may
not be original, but is definitely not drawn from the Almanacco Perpetuo.
Certain sections in the middle of the book demonstrate a knowledge of
recent scientific advances made in western Europe, as for example a discussion
of the discoveries made by Galileo using a telescope; this material also
appears to be original. The later
sections, which pertain to agriculture, appear to be adapted from the Almanacco Perpetuo, but I have not yet
been able to confirm this.
As Simonia observes, Saet’lo Xiromant’ia “contains diverse types of information. On the one hand the manuscript contains
information that was modern for its time—e.g., information on telescopic
observations by Galileo, on the sizes and shapes of the planets, and on the
daily and annual motion of celestial bodies. On the other hand the manuscript also includes detailed
descriptions of Ptolemy's outmoded geocentric system” (1999: ¶44).
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia is thus a miscellany
which is partly drawn from Beltrano’s Almanacco
Perpetuo (1639)—itself a miscellany built around the Almanacco perpetuo di Rutilio Benincaso (1593).
Procedure
My
approach to the study of this manuscript has been greatly influenced by the Structural Anthropology of Claude
Lévi-Strauss (1963), particularly the chapter entitled “Do Dual Organizations
Exist?” I have sought to apply the
principles of Lévi-Strauss by centering my initial study of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia not on its text, but
on its illustrations. In
attempting to do a structural analysis of these illustrations, I have relied
heavily on counting, classification, and left-right orientation, in an attempt
to discover patterns, similarities, and differences.
In the sections which follow, I
will analyze each of those illustrations from Saet’lo Xiromant’ia which has a clear parallel in Beltrano’s Almanacco Perpetuo. For each illustration, I will use the
following procedure: first, I will
carefully describe the illustration as it appears in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia.
Then, I will attempt to give an analysis or interpretation of the
illustration, without reference to the Georgian text. I will then compare this illustration
to its counterpart in Beltrano, discussing the similarities and differences
between the two. Finally, where
possible, I will present any insights about the illustration which arise from
an examination of the accompanying Georgian text.
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
10v
Almanacco Perpetuo,
p. 221 Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 232
Almanacco Perpetuo,
p. 236 Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 29
1. Diagram of a hand (10v)
Description
This is an illustration of a
person’s right hand, with a shirt-cuff visible. The hand is drawn realistically, with effective use of
shading, although the fingers seem unusually long. This is clearly a palmistry diagram, since the various lines
on the palm of the hand are clearly indicated. Eight specific regions on the palm have been labeled,
including the montes at the base of
each of the four fingers. In
addition, a number of marks have been drawn on the hand, in the form of crosses
and what appear to be individual tally-marks. A few of them are more
complex: crosses with an
additional line added to create a five-pointed figure (2 examples), and one
cross bisected by an additional line to create what looks like an asterisk. The fingertips are marked also: the tips of the ring and little fingers
with three dots; the tip of the middle finger with two tally-marks; the tip of
the index finger with two dots.
There are also 12 dots on the palm of the hand, near the base of the thumb.
Interpretation
I would interpret this illustration
as a simple presentation of the elementary principles of palmistry, except for
the presence of these mysterious lines, dots, crosses, and stars. What do they mean? I can think of two possible
interpretations: either they are
some kind of numerical notation (maybe an attempt to transpose a specific
horoscope onto the palm of the hand—eminently possible to do since horoscopic
astrology and chiromancy share the same planetary principles); or they may be a
way of recording specific small features found on the palm of the hand (in
which case we may have the same process working in the other direction—a
horoscope erected to reflect the specific features of a specific human
hand). I know very little about
palmistry, and further study may well elucidate this problem. I should note that the title assigned
to this manuscript, Saet’lo Xiromant’ia
(“zodiacal chiromancy”), is probably descriptive of this illustration (which is
the first one to appear).
Comparison to Beltrano’s Almanacco Perpetuo
Beltrano provides no exact parallel
to this illustration. However, there are no fewer than four illustrations of a
human hand to be found in that work, as follows:
p.
221: illustration of a right hand
with shirt-cuff visible. The
thumb, middle, and little fingers are extended. All three of these are marked with the number “31”. The index and ring fingers are closed
(turned down), and these are marked with the number “30”. The accompanying text explains that
this is a way of determining the number of days in each month (starting with
March and counting the thumb and little finger twice when reversing direction,
“30” also being used to indicate the short month of February).
p.
232: illustration of a left hand
with an ornate shirt-cuff. The
fingers and thumb are closed, and the numbers “19. 9. 29” are printed along the
thumb. The accompanying text and
table make it clear that this illustrates the use of the “golden number” (aureus numerus) associated with each
year of the 19-year Metonic cycle, again using the joints of the hand as a
mnemonic device.
p.
236: illustration of a left hand
with shirt-cuff visible; the fingers are extended so that each one has six
joints (but a shadow intervenes between the first four joints and the final two
joints, perhaps suggesting another hand with another set of fingers held behind
the first set). Each row of joints
is marked with a letter (A, B, C, D, E, F, G), and each joint is distinguished
by a separate number as well (from 1 to 29, with one further number which I
cannot identify). The number 23
appears not on the fingers, but at the base of the index finger (the mons Jovis), along with the Jupiter
glyph. The remaining montes are also marked with their
respective planetary glyphs:
Saturn at the base of the middle finger, the Sun at the base of the ring
finger, and Mercury at the base of the little finger. The base of the thumb (mons
Veneris) is marked with the Venus glyph, the palm of the hand with the Mars
glyph, and the heel of the hand with what appears to be another Sun with rays,
but which closer inspection reveals to be a crescent Moon. A sprig of leaves and flowers is
attached to the thumb by means of a string (I have no idea what this means). The accompanying text explains how to
use the hand as a mnemonic to calculate the dates of the “movable feasts”
(Septuagessima, Quadragessima, Easter, Ascension, Pentecost, and Corpus
Christi, using the “dominical letter” assigned to each year).
p. 292: illustration of a left hand with shirt-cuff visible; a dark
line passes under the thumb, crosses the first three fingers, then passes
between the ring and little fingers.
Directly above the hand appears an image of the sun (solemn face
surrounded by 12 rays). Numbers
are printed on the page as follows:
at the end of the index finger, “24 12”, at the end of the middle
finger, “3 1”, at the end of the ring finger, “24 14”, at the end of the little
finger, “2 15”; below the fingers two rows of numbers are found: “18 17 16” (top row) and “19 17”
(bottom row). The accompanying
text makes it clear that this illustrates a method of using one’s fingers to
estimate the hour of the day, based on the angle of the Sun.
There
is thus no strong parallel between the hand illustrations in the two
works. While those in the Almanacco Perpetuo demonstrate how to
use the hand as a mnemonic and as a time-telling device, the one in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia is clearly concerned
with palmistry. The closest
parallel is to the illustration on page 236 of Beltrano, where the seven
planets associated with the chiromantic montes
are indicated; it is interesting that these are supplied gratuitously—they have
nothing whatever to do with the calculation of the dates of the festa mobilia!
Insights provided by the Georgian text
The nine labels written on the diagram read as follows:
Base of little finger: mzis mta (mountain of the Sun)
Base of ring finger: ot’aridis mta (mountain of Mercury)
Base of middle finger: zohalis mta (mountain of Saturn)
Base of index finger: mushtaris mta (mountain of Jupiter)
Base of thumb: zoharis mta (mountain of Venus)
Joint of thumb: ceris (mk’iduloba?) (X of thumb)
Palm of hand: marexis mindori (plain of Mars)
Heel of hand: mtvaris mindori (plain of the Moon)
(near base of thumb): sicocxlis xazi (line of life)
There is nothing surprising here, except to note that the
Georgian writer has reversed and improperly labeled the first two: in palmistry, the base of the little
finger is properly designated mons
Mercurii, while the base of the ring finger is mons Apollonis (“mountain of Apollo,” which is associated with the
Sun). Such an error might be
attributed to the writer’s ineptitude or lack of familiarity with the subject
matter. However, it is the first
of many striking errors of this kind, as we shall see; errors of such grossness
and frequency as to appear deliberate!
For reference, a well-known (and more accurate) representation of the
hand and its planetary associations is reproduced below (from Agrippa’s De Occulta Philosophia).
Finally,
it must be noted that the succeeding pages (11v-12r) embody a detailed
explanation of the hand-diagram.
Although I have not yet had a chance to go over this passage in detail,
I have noted that the text contains the same hatchmarks, crosses, and crows’
feet which appear in the illustration.
A careful reading of that passage will no doubt elucidate this
mysterious diagram.
hand
diagram from Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim, De Occulta Philosophia Libri iii
2. Diagram of a lunar eclipse (30r)
2. Diagram of a lunar eclipse (30r)
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
30r Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 58
Description
This illustration obviously
represents either a solar or lunar eclipse (depending upon the identification
of the circle in the center of the diagram—does it represent the earth or the
moon?). It is very interesting
that the Sun is portrayed with two faces—one facing toward the center and one
facing away from the center. The
one facing away is smiling, lacks a nose, and the eyes are closed. The one facing inward is not smiling,
has a nose, and the eyes are open.
These faces are drawn in black ink, while the sun’s rays, which resemble
a lion’s mane, are drawn in red ink.
Two straight lines have been constructed, tangent to these circles to
create a cone, and the part of it extending beyond the central circle is shaded
in. To the left and right of this
cone, opposite the sun, are two small black circles. Three straight red lines divide the diagram into six parts,
with a thick red line passing across the center and two thinner diagonal lines
crossing it at a 60º angle, dividing it into six 60º segments. The central circle is also bisected by
a thick red line perpendicular to the horizontal line. This results in a division of the
circle into eight unequal segments (60º, 30º, 30º, 60º, 60º, 30º, 30º,
60º). An examination of this
central circle reveals that the draftsmanship is inexact—the diagonals
intersect somewhat to the right of where the horizontal and vertical lines intersect,
and the lines which form the cone are tangent to the circle on the right, but
cut across it on the left side. At
a distance from the center there are five circles; the two outer ones, as well
as the fourth one in, are drawn in red ink and are concentric with the center
of the diagram; the third and fifth circles (counting from the outside) are
drawn in black ink and are centered slightly to the right and left of the
center of the diagram. The three
innermost circles pass through the small circles to the right and left of the
cone, and they also divide the sun into its two faces. The center points of the two small
black circles lie along these two larger black circles.
Interpretation
The shaded part of the cone is
obviously the shadow cast by the central body. The two circles to left and right of shadow must be
pre-eclipse and post-eclipse lunar (or earth) positions. Since they are smaller than the central
body, it would be logical to conclude that they represent lunar positions, so
that this diagram represents an eclipse of the moon. The eccentricity of the larger circles along which they are
centered also supports this idea, since they may suggest the moon’s elliptical
orbit around the earth. The most
interesting feature of this diagram is the two faces of the Sun—the one facing
inward conscious and dynamic while the one facing outward appears to be
asleep. This sun with two faces is
completely inexplicable to me.
Comparison to Beltrano’s Almanacco Perpetuo
On page 58, a comparable but much
simpler diagram is found—there is a central sphere with shading, which, like
the diagram in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
could be taken to represent either the earth or the moon. The sun appears at the top (reversing
the arrangement seen in Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia), and is depicted with a face and rays. At the bottom of the diagram there is a
strange shaded crescent shape (points inward), with three concentric arcs in
the middle forming three bands like those of a rainbow; the inner and outer of
these are shaded in. These could
be taken to represent the moon (from the crescent shape), or they could be a
crude representation of a human eye.
The most interesting feature of Beltrano’s diagram is the lines which
connect these bodies: First, the
central disk is divided evenly into three parts (segments of 120º). Then, four lines extend from the Sun’s
mouth to the center of this disk and to the extremities of the three lines
which trisect it. From these
points, four lines are extended downward, where all four converge at the center
of the innermost arc of the figure at the bottom of the page. The accompanying text contains the
following statement: “L’ecclisse
del sole: il Corpo Lunare
s’interpone tra l’aspetto nostro, e il Corpo Solare”—so clearly “l’aspetto
nostro” is represented by a human eye, and Beltrano’s diagram (though not
necessarily its counterpart in Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia) represents a solar eclipse, not a lunar eclipse. There is nevertheless no question that
the two diagrams are parallel, since what follows next in both Saet’lo Xiromant’ia and Almanacco Perpetuo is a set of
illustrations depicting a series of lunar eclipses.
Insights provided by the Georgian text
The heading at the top of page 30r reads tavi meatormet’e mzisa da mtovaris
dabnelebisa [“chapter 12, of the eclipses of the sun and moon”], and below
the diagram the chapter begins as follows: beltrano munajibi iq’o
erti vinme aseti mecnieri rome chuns dros amistana mecnieri da gonieri ar
gamosula tu es arist’ot’elis dros q’opiliq’o imasac ars axsenebda da aman
q’ovltatvin ase gvarad gaadvila es varsk’ulavt mricxveloba tu romels c’elic’ads
romels tveshi romels k’virashi romels dgheshi romels zhamshi romels burjze
romels nac’ilshi dabneldeba mze anu mtovare gvauc’q’ebs ["The astrologer Belorano was a scientist
who for wisdom has no equal in our times.
Had he lived at the time of Aristotle, then the latter would have paled
before him, and this (man) greatly simplified astrology; he could determine in
which year, in which month, in which week, on what day, in which degree, in
what constellation, and in what minute eclipses of the Sun and Moon would take
place."] While highly
interesting, this passage does not reveal whether our diagram represents a
solar or a lunar eclipse; the remainder of the chapter explains the reasons why
both solar and lunar eclipses occur, but sheds no further light on the
diagram. I suspect that the
diagram in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia is
intended to represent a lunar eclipse, not a solar eclipse as in Beltrano’s Almanacco Perpetuo.
Additional
possibilities
Why is this
diagram particularly associated with Beltrano, and why does it differ so
markedly from its counterpart in the Almanacco
Perpetuo? The extravagant
praise of “the astrologer Beltrano” (which, of course has no counterpart in the
Italian text) may simply function as an introduction to the series of eclipses
which follow, since these are clearly extracted from Beltrano’s almanac. The passage is very curious. Ottavio Beltrano (fl. c1620-1671,
Naples) worked primarily as a printer.
He produced only two original works: his additions to the almanac of Rutilio Benincasa (1593)
which resulted in the Almanacco Perpetuo
(1639), and his Descrittione del Regno di
Napoli (1640). From a western
European point of view, Beltrano remains an obscure personage, little more than
a footnote to the history of Italian literature or western science. From what little can be said about him,
it is interesting to note that he apparently had an interest in occult
subjects: not only do his
contributions to the Almanacco Perpetuo
include sections on astrological phrenology
and physiognomy, but also, the
twelfth and final chapter of the Descrittione
del Regno di Napoli is devoted to witchcraft and cabbalism (Hinck &
Wall, 2008). An examination of the
Descrittione will probably yield important
insights for the present project.
After careful
examination, “Beltrano’s Diagram” (if we may so designate it) in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia remains
enigmatic: the solar eclipse in
the Almanacco Perpetuo has seemingly
been transformed into a lunar eclipse. One moon has become two moons, with two
separate orbits. The sun has
shifted from top to bottom, and now has two faces, one awake and one asleep. I
would like to add one more curious observation: as we have noted, the two-faced Sun is surrounded by red
rays; however, closer inspection reveals that gold ink has been used to extend
these rays further outward. These
golden rays overlap two words of the text concerning Beltrano: iq’o
erti (lit. “he was one”). It
is possible that some deep mystery is concealed here. I keep returning to the binary structure—two moons, two
orbits, two faces, the dark horizontal line which divides the illustration in
half, and of course the celestial opposition implied by the eclipse itself. One
way of encoding a message is through the divergences between two texts. For example, if I write THNAK YOU, I
have suggested a binary comparison between THNAK (an incorrect spelling) and
THANK (the correct spelling); and in doing so I have drawn attention to the
word “thank,” and specifically to the letters A and N (in either order). The message I am encrypting thus
becomes the mediating third between two texts. The writer of Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia may possibly be doing something of this kind, inviting a
careful comparison between “Beltrano’s Diagram” and its counterpart in the
printed Italian source. It
may be that these books are the repository of a secret which is revealed only
when they are laid out side by side.
Both of these
diagrams invite detailed geometric analysis, and both have curious and
inexplicable features. In the Almanacco Perpetuo, for example, why is
the lunar disk trisected, and why do the four rays emanate from the sun’s
mouth? I think this is a promising
line of inquiry, and intend to pursue it further, as time allows.
3. Illustrations of a series of lunar
eclipses (31r-35r)
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
31r
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 31v-32r
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 32v-33r Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 33v-34r
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 34v-35r
Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 59 Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 60
Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 61 Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 62
Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 63
Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 64
Description
When
I first saw these pages, I was awed by their calm beauty—the dark parts of the
lunar faces are hatched with dark blue ink, while the bright parts are
illuminated with a wash of shell gold ink. The 20 moons are mostly drawn along the left margin of the
pages, surrounded by text. Only
one of them (32r) is drawn inside the right margin. In each case, the moons on the other side of the sheet are
dimly visible through the page.
These illustrations are each about the size of a nickel. Though probably intended to be all alike,
the illustrator has indulged his whimsy in drawing the faces to suggest a
variety of droll characters. Of
the 20 moons which appear in this series, four are completely dark, while the
others are shaded to varying degrees, always beginning from the bottom of the
face. It is interesting to note
that the first moon of the series (31r) has a dark double line extending from its left eye to its
lower left cheek—is this intended to suggest a face stained with tears?
Interpretation
These
are obviously depictions either of lunar phases or lunar eclipses. We may readily discard the former
possibility, since neither full nor half moons appear, and the shading is from
bottom to top, not right to left.
The question is, assuming they are depicted in order, when did these
eclipses occur, and over how long a span of time? It might be possible to determine this by estimating the
totality of the eclipse for each drawing in the series, then checking this list
against a table of historical eclipses (beginning with the 17th and
18th centuries). But I
won’t do that for now, since the text may provide a short-cut!
Comparison to Beltrano’s Almanacco Perpetuo
Beltrano’s
illustrations are crude by comparison, but still have a subtle and mysterious
appeal. There are 15 lunar disks,
without faces. They appear in a
similar arrangement along the left margin, interspersed with text. Of these 15, two are completely dark. The rest are partial eclipses—nine of
them with shading beginning from the bottom, and (strangely enough), four of
them, associated with the years 1665, 1666, 1667, and 1669, with shading
beginning from the top! The
Italian text takes no notice of this distinction, and I will have to look into
this, both in terms of the actual eclipses of the years 1665 to 1674 and in
terms of the iconography of eclipses.
The Italian text clearly explains that these illustrations depict a
series of eclipses visible in Europe during the years 1665-1674. But very strangely, the text begins
with the eclipses of the years 1670, 1671, 1672, 1673, and 1674—but then the
series continues with the eclipses of 1665 (two conflicting series for that
year appearing one after the other; a series of eclipses for 1665 appears on p.
61, while p. 62 continues with a different series of eclipses for 1665,
immediately followed by the series for 1666), 1666, 1667, 1668, and 1669. This does not appear to be a binding
error, unless the page numbers (at the top of each page) and reading aids (at
the foot of each page) were somehow added later in the process. This does not remove the possibility
that there was an error in the collation of the pages delivered to the
printer. This question is
complicated by the fact that the earliest known version of this work was the
almanac of Rutilio Benincaso (1593); later, it was revised and greatly expanded
by Ottavio Beltrano (fl. 1620-1660).
It was again reworked (by Beltrano or someone else) to create the
1670-1674/1665-1669 series we have here, which has been retained even in this
edition of 1754. There is no way
of knowing at what point in this process the two halves of the series were
reversed, or how far this feature persisted through the almanac’s history of
transmission.
It is interesting how the eclipses
on the other side of the page can be seen in reverse—apparently the ink has
bled through. By this reckoning,
there are in all 30 eclipses (15 eclipses and 15 “ghosts,” mirror-images of the
eclipses on the other side of the page); there is a hole in page 61, and now we
are looking out into yet another space!
On page 61 there appears even a ghost of a ghost: the total eclipse of 1673 (on the
facing page) is dimly seen.
Almanacco Perpetuo,
p. 61 (whole page, showing “ghosts”)
Insights provided by the Georgian text
The
Georgian text follows the pattern found in the Almanacco Perpetuo, describing a series of eclipses spread over a
period of years. The years, each
of which contain anywhere from one to four eclipses, are indicated by a system
of numerical notation which employs Georgian letters to represent numbers. However, this system differs from the
one in common use, and I have so far been unable to find any parallel or any
explanation of it. Each year is
indicated by the abbreviation KK’SA, followed by a two or three letter
sequence. My best guess is that
KK’SA may be an abbreviation for kveq’anisa
(“of the world”—though I can’t explain why K’ would be substituted for
Q’). The phrase could then be
interpreted to mean “anno mundi”; but the numbers which follow don’t appear to
correspond to any commonly used system of dating, anno mundi or otherwise.
For example, the numbers listed here (from T’M to T’NG) would normally
be taken to represent the numbers 340 through 353. Whatever they mean, I will tabulate the years below, along
with the eclipses listed for each:
pages year-number type
of eclipse date time
31r-31v T’M lunar 24
Mar. 9:15
solar 7
Apr. 6:50
lunar 17
Sep. 10:19
[no
parallel in Almanacco Perpetuo]
31v T’MA lunar 13
Mar. 9:12
[no
parallel in A.P.]
31v-32r T’MB
lunar 2
Mar. 11:58
solar 12
Aug. (uncertain)
lunar 27
Aug. 4:24
[no
parallel in A.P.]
pages year-number type
of eclipse date time
32r-32v T’MG solar 6
Feb. 20:37
(3
others, not visible)
[corresponds
to the year 1665 (second version, A.P.,
p. 62), but the
time is given as
10:37]
32v T’MD lunar 11
Jan. 3:26
solar 26
Jan. 20:31
[corresponds
to the year 1666 (A.P., p. 62), but
the time of the
lunar eclipse is
given as 23:16]
32v-33r T’ME lunar 25
Jun. 10:28
lunar 20
Dec. 2:10
(2
others, not visible)
[corresponds
to the year 1667 (A.P., p. 63), but
the time of the
lunar eclipse is
given as 0:28]
33r T’MV solar 31
May 15:45
lunar 14
Jun. 22:58
lunar 9
Nov. (around
noon)
solar 24
Nov. (mid-morning)
[corresponds
to the year 1668 (A.P., p. 63), but
the time of the first
solar
eclipse is given as 24:42, the date of the first lunar eclipse as
15
June, while the second solar eclipse is said to have occurred “around midnight”]
33r-33v T’MZ lunar 6
May 23:[ ]
solar 21
May -----
lunar 29
Oct. 7:04
solar 14
Nov. 23:41
[corresponds
to the year 1669 (A.P., p. 63-64),
but the date of the first
lunar
eclipse is given as 26 May (obviously an error) at 14:11, the date
of
the first solar eclipse as 20 May at 16:46, and the date of the second
solar
eclipse as 13 November at 3:34 PM]
pages year-number type
of eclipse date time
33v T’MEy lunar 21
Apr. 22:15
solar 3
Oct. 22:34
lunar 18
Oct. -----
solar 2
Nov. 19:48
[corresponds
to the year 1670 (A.P., p. 59), but
the date of the first
lunar
eclipse is given as 24 April, that of the first solar eclipse as
2
October, the time of the second lunar eclipse as 0:52 PM, and that
of
the second solar eclipse as 13:48]
34r T’MT solar 30
Mar. 1:[ ]
lunar 14
Apr. [ ]:28
solar 23
Sep. 18:53
lunar 7
Oct. 7:48
[corresponds
to the year 1671 (A.P., p. 59), but
the time of the first
solar eclipse is
given as 0:02 AM, and that of the first lunar eclipse as
14:28]
34r T’N solar 19
Mar. -----
solar 12
Sep. -----
[corresponds
to the year 1672 (A.P., p. 60), but
the dates of the two
eclipses
are given as 9 March and 21 September]
34v T’NA lunar 21
Feb. 9:47
solar 19
Mar. 5:47
lunar 28
Aug. -----
solar 1
Sep. 8:08
[corresponds
to the year 1673 (A.P., p. 60), where
the time given for
the
second lunar eclipse is 0:00 (midnight)]
34v-35r T’NB lunar 11
Feb. (during the day)
lunar 12
Jul. 12:48
lunar 6
Aug. 23:18
[corresponds
to the year 1674 (A.P., p. 60), but
the time of the first
eclipse
is given as 5:17 PM, that of the second eclipse as 14:48, and
the
date of the third eclipse as 16 August]
pages year-number type
of eclipse date time
35r T’NG solar 15
Jan. 20:07
lunar 30
Jan. 18:47
solar 12
Jul. 7:48
lunar 26
Jul. 18:49
[corresponds
to the year 1665 (first version, A.P.,
p. 61), but the time
of
the first solar eclipse is given as 8:08 PM]
The
preceding tabulation demonstrates that the first three years of eclipses in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia (years T’M, T’MA,
T’MB) have no counterpart in the Almanacco
Perpetuo. The next five years
(T’MG, T’MD, T’ME, T’MV, T’MZ) correspond exactly (except for numerous small
discrepancies in the numbers which may be attributable to carelessness) to
pages 62-64 of Almanacco Perpetuo, which
cover the years 1665-1669. The
next five years (T’MEy, T’MT, T’N, T’NA, T’NB) correspond exactly to
pages 59-60 of Almanacco Perpetuo,
which cover the years 1670-1674.
The last year in Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia (T’NG)
corresponds exactly to page 61 of Almanacco
Perpetuo, which presents an alternate series of eclipses for the year 1665.
The
eclipse dates and times given in Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia can only be accurate if the numerical notation given in the
Georgian text refers to the same years (1665-1674) covered by the Almanacco Perpetuo. However, in the Georgian text, the
beginning of a new decade (T’N) corresponds to the year 1672 in the Almanacco Perpetuo, so obviously the
Georgian writer is following a different calendar. Moreover, it is interesting to note that the years T’MG and
T’NG (a decade apart) correspond to the two versions of the eclipses of 1665
which appear in the Almanacco Perpetuo.
In
any case, since this section of Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia translates the Italian text almost verbatim, we might expect the first three years (T’M, T’MA, T’MB)
to cover the eclipses of 1662, 1663, and 1664 (not covered by the Almanacco Perpetuo).
Unfortunately, a comparison of the
eclipses listed in the Almanacco Perpetuo
with the canon of historical eclipses found on the NASA website reveals that
they are grossly in error. I was
able to identify the series of eclipses described, and they are in fact the
eclipses of the years 1655 through 1665 (Espenak and Meeus 2007; Espenak
2003). Thus, the years given in
the Almanacco Perpetuo (1665-1674)
are exactly ten years off, with the exception of 1665 (first version, p. 61),
which happens to be correct. I
also identified the series listed for the years T’M, T’MA, and T’MB in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia; these correspond to
the eclipses of 1652, 1653, and 1654, and so really do cover the three years
preceding the Almanacco Perpetuo
series.
This raises some interesting
questions: was the writer of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia simply following an
earlier edition of Almanacco Perpetuo
which included those three years?
Or is this an independent contribution? In that case, Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia would have to be assigned to a much earlier date (17th
century, not early 18th century as the Georgian cataloguers
suggest).
The Georgian writer of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia has reassembled the
data given in the Almanacco Perpetuo
in such a way that the eleven years of eclipses are given in their proper
order—a significant improvement on the Italian source. In both cases, however, we are
examining the transmission of an old, highly technical text, to which any
modifications would prove disastrous.
Why the ten-year discrepancy between the actual eclipse data and the
years printed in the Almanacco Perpetuo? My best guess is that the almanac, in
the form it had around 1660, was about to go out of date (since the eclipses it
listed were those of
1655-1665). It appears that
some scoundrel has “updated” the eclipse section of the almanac by simply
advancing the date by ten years, without modifications to the data—the obvious
motivation being to sell more almanacs! Returning
to the question of dating, if we work back from 1665 (the last year in the
series as it appears in Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia and the one and only year which is designated correctly in the Almanacco Perpetuo), we will deduct the
value T’NG (353) to obtain a result of 1312 A.D. This, however, does not correspond to any calendrical or
regnal era as far as I know, and is not a particularly remarkable year in the
history of the Caucasus (although the Mongols were expelled from Tbilisi two
years before that, in 1310). For
now, the question must remain open—but there are still several other possible
lines of attack.
In any case, since the fraudulent
“update” of the Almanacco Perpetuo
appears to have been perpetrated around 1660, and since the text of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia accurately presents
the eclipses of 1652-1665 in their original order (which presumably pre-dated
that revision), we may cautiously conclude that the writer of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia was using a pre-1660
edition of the Almanacco Perpetuo,
and may possibly have originated at that much earlier date.
4. Geocentric Cosmogram (36v)
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 36v
Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 452
Description
Here
we see a typical geocentric cosmogram, representing the “Ptolemaic Universe,”
in the form of 13 concentric circles, creating 12 concentric bands. These are all drawn in black ink. The central circle must represent the
earth; the next two bands are empty but bear labels. The next seven bands are marked with the glyphs representing
the seven planets, listed in their Chaldaean order: the Moon, Mercury, Venus, the Sun, Mars, Jupiter, and
Saturn. The tenth band contains 31
stars, drawn in black ink. Most of
the stars have eight points, though a few have six, seven, or nine. If space had not been reserved for the
purpose of labeling the planetary spheres, there would have been room for
exactly 34 stars. The two
outermost bands (the eleventh and twelfth) are also empty, though they have labels. Labels also appear in the four corners
of the square which surrounds all these circles. All the labels on this chart are written in red ink.
Interpretation
This
is obviously a common sort of representation, of which numerous examples can be
found in both European and Islamic sources. Examples of metal cosmograms have
been found in Georgia dating back to prehistoric times, usually fashioned in
bronze. The
silver
cosmogram from Kolkheti, 3rd century B.C. (Simonia, 2003).
example illustrated here is made of silver, and was found
in Kolkheti (western Georgia).
Although it dates from the third century B.C., it depicts not twelve
constellations, but four animals (a deer, a lion, an ass, and a pig). These are perhaps the
proto-constellations of a much earlier time. The central boss may represent the celestial north pole,
while the one star depicted may represent one of the circumpolar stars (in the
interpretation of Irakli Simonia), or some other star or planet. There are 18 raised wedges surrounding
the central circle, which, along with the intervening spaces, divide the circle
into 36 segments. It would be
tempting to associate these with the 36 decanates (10º subdivisions of the
zodiac). Repeated counting and
measuring suggests that the narrow circle, which separates the scalloped
pattern from the animals, is made up of 120 tiny beads (however, I know of no
astrological division of the heavens into 3º segments). Nevertheless, if I have measured and
counted correctly, it appears that each of the four 90º quadrants
(corresponding to the four animals) could be subdivided into 9 segments and 30
sub-segments. It is of course
perilous to superimpose later astrological ideas on this very early artifact—but
the numbers are quite suggestive!
While not directly relevant to the diagram we are discussing, this
silver cosomogram demonstrates the existence of indigenous astrological
traditions in the Caucasus at a very early date.
The
most striking feature of the diagram on page 36v of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia is the bold vertical line which connects the
outermost (thirteenth) circle to the (third) circle, which passes below the
moon glyph. The planetary glyphs
are all drawn just to the left of this line, and all their labels begin just to
the right of it.
The
two innermost bands must represent sublunar levels, perhaps the sea and the
sky. The two outermost bands
likewise must represent outer levels of the heavens which extend beyond the
planetary spheres. The 31 stars
are exceedingly interesting. Did
this number arise by chance, or does it signify something? It may refer to the 31 days of a common
month—as in the Voynich manuscript, where each of the 360 degrees of the zodiac
is represented by a unique star, each star corresponds more or less to one day. Another possibility is that it refers
to the 31 stars of Draco (as enumerated in Ptolemy’s Almagest). It has been
suggested that an understanding of the astrological significance of the stars
of Draco is the key to an esoteric astrological system. This may seem far-fetched, but is an
important astrological idea which at least needs to be mentioned. It is also interesting that three invisible
stars are implied by the space taken up by the written labels which identify
each of the planetary spheres. I can
think of no particular reason for 34 stars, or for a juxtaposition of 31
(visible) and three (invisible) stars.
If the horizontal line is taken as a divider between what is seen (to
the left of it) and what is unseen (to the right of it), then one possible
implication is that the seven planets arrayed to the left of the line have
seven invisible counterparts to the right of the line. The idea of hypothetical (unseen)
planets appears to go back to pre-Islamic Persian (i.e. magian) astrology. Finally, the line begins at the edge of
the outermost sphere, but ends at the bottom of the lunar sphere, suggesting a
sharp contrast between the heavenly spheres and the sublunary world.
Comparison to Beltrano’s Almanacco Perpetuo
The
illustration on page 452 of the Almanacco
Perpetuo has numerous resemblances to the one in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia.
The innermost circle is divided by three horizontal lines (which
probably represent the equator, artic circle, and Antarctic circle), to create
four zones. The zone south of the
equator is bisected by a vertical line, and three wavy lines run from the left
of this line to the left limb of the earth’s disk. These wavy lines may suggest a river, but I cannot explain
it. The next band, which surrounds
the earth, is shaded in, except that a white wavy line (resembling a sine-curve
with 19 peaks) divides it into two zones (19, incidentally, is the square root
of 361 and thus very close to being the square root of 360, a fact which may
well explain why the Sun’s exaltation degree falls at 19º of Aries, and why the
“lesser years” of the Sun are 19).
I assume that these represent the spheres of water and air. The next band, just below that of the
moon, is occupied by 35 tongues of flame, which must represent the sphere of
fire. The spheres of the seven
planets are marked with their respective glyphs, in the Chaldaean order as in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia. There are no labels, and no vertical
line cutting through the circles—the row of planetary glyphs occupies that
position, bisecting the upper hemisphere of the circles. As in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, the sphere beyond
that of Saturn is occupied by stars, but in this case there are 24 of
them. Most have eight points,
though the number varies from seven to nine, or even ten in one case. The 24 stars correspond (two stars per
sign) to the twelve signs of the zodiac, which are marked along the outermost
band. This band is divided into
twelve equal segments, with a zodiacal glyph marked on each one. The arrangement of the signs is a very common
one, with the first degree of Aries on the ascendant (on the left), and the
other signs succeeding it in a counterclockwise direction, ending with Pisces,
which occupies the twelfth house, just above the eastern horizon. Notice that the outermost band seen in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia does not appear
here. No labels appear on this
diagram.
Insights provided by the Georgian text:
The
diagram in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia is
labeled as follows: the central
circle (representing the earth) bears both a horizontal label, which reads c’q’ali (“water”), and a vertical label,
which reads kueq’ana (“earth”). The next two bands are labeled haeri (“air) and cecxli (“fire”). Then,
in order, the seven planetary spheres are labeled mtvaris ca (“heaven of the Moon”), ot’aridis ca (“heaven of Mercury”), zoharas ca (“heaven of Venus”), mzis
ca (“heaven of the Sun), marexis ca
(“heaven of Mars”), mushtaris ca
(“heaven of Jupiter”), and zohalis ca
(“heaven of Saturn”). The sphere
of the 31 stars is labeled damt’vicebuli
ca (“fixed heaven”). The next
sphere is labeled meore damdzvreli
(“second movable”), and the outermost is labeled p’irveli damdzvreli (“first movable”). Finally, the four labels
appearing in the four corners of the diagram comprise a sentence, beginning in
the northeast quadrant and reading clockwise, ending in the northwest
quadrant. This sentence reads as
follows: chelum . . . emp’ireum . . . romel ars . . . samotxe (“empyrean
heaven, which is Paradise”).
Notice how the spelling of the Latin word coelum reveals an underlying
Italianate pronunciation—this is an important clue! It reveals that the writer of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia was not only consulting an Italian source, but
was in actual contact with Italian speakers.
The creator
of this diagram seems to be inviting us to begin at the midheaven, counting the
houses clockwise—the reverse of usual astrological practice, which counts them
counterclockwise, beginning from the ascendant. In this way, the third (northeast) quadrant becomes the
first; the second (southeast) remains the second, the first (southwest)
quadrant becomes the third, and the fourth (northwest) remains the fourth. It is very interesting that the label
in that corner reads simply samotxe
(“paradise”). This contrasts with
the western convention, by which the fourth quadrant has a somewhat sinister
reputation.
Christopher Cattan, The Geomancie of Maister Christopher Cattan,
Gentleman, London, 1591. “From the continents of Earth through the planets
to the Firmament of Stars and to the Crystaline and First Moveable heaven to
the Band of the Blessed Elect.”
For comparison, I have included here a sixteenth-century English
cosmogram which appears in The Geomancie
of Maister Christopher Cattan, Gentleman (1591). Here, the earth is depicted with continents and is labeled
“EAR”. The spheres of the seven
planets are both numbered and labeled, while in the lower hemisphere, the
planetary glyphs are entered as well—but incorrectly, with the Sun glyph omitted
from the series and an eight-pointed star inserted in the sphere after that of
Saturn! The sphere of the fixed
stars is marked off into the twelve signs of the zodiac, this time with the
first degree of Aries at mid-heaven, and the first degree of Cancer on the
ascendant. The glyph for each sign
is preceded by three eight-pointed stars, except in the case of Capricorn and
Aquarius (the signs ruled by Saturn and missing from the Voynich manuscript),
where the stars follow the glyph; and in the case of Gemini, where the stars
have been omitted entirely to make room for the word “FIRMA-MENT”. There are thus 34 stars in the diagram,
the same as there would be in Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia if the labels had been omitted. The two outer spheres are labeled “CRISTALINE HEAVEN” and
“THE FIRST MOVEABLE”, while the circumference, just as in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, bears a four-part sentence, beginning in the
northwest quadrant and reading clockwise:
“THE IMPERIAL HEAVEN . . . THE HABITACLE OF GOD . . . AND OF ALL HIS
. . . BLESSED
ELECTE.”
5.
Marginal drawings of the Sun, Venus, and Mercury (37r)
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 37r (margin)
Description
Here,
greatly magnified, are the representations of the Sun, Venus, and Mercury,
which appear in the margin of page 37 recto. The Sun is beautifully drawn, its face
surrounded by 20 flames and 20 rays.
These, as well as the circle of the face, are drawn in red ink. The features of the Sun’s face, as well
as the simple glyphs of Venus and Mercury, are drawn in black ink.
Interpretation
Probably
these drawings simply coincide with references to the Sun, Venus, and Mercury
in the text. I can think of no
particular significance for the 20 flames and 20 rays. Taken as a group, the Sun and the two
inner planets can form exactly 360 different configurations: the Sun can appear in any of the 12
signs of the zodiac, and can be either above or below the horizon (the
definition of day and night); Mercury can occupy the same sign as the Sun, or
the sign preceding or following; while Venus can occupy the same sign as the Sun,
either of the two signs preceding it, or either of the two signs following
it. Thus, 12 x 2 x 3 x 5 = 360
configurations. But why does the
Sun have 20 rays?
Insights provided by the Georgian text
These
marginal drawings are keyed to a sentence in the middle of the paragraph
opposite, which begins with these words in red ink: mze zohara da ot’aridi
eseni . . . (“the sun, Venus, and Mercury—these . . .”). What follows appears to be a discussion
of the motions of the two inner planets in relation to the sun.
6. Diagrams of the zodiacal aspects (pages
46r-47v)
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 46r Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 135
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 46v Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 139
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 47r Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 140
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 47r Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 141
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 47v Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 141
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 47v Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 142
a.
Diagram illustrating planetary rulerships (46r)
Description and
interpretation
This
is a very elegant little drawing!
I remember being very impressed with it when I first saw it, since I had
never seen the material laid out in quite this way. The 12 signs of the zodiac are written clockwise around the
central oval, in such a way that Cancer and Leo appear at the top, and Aquarius
and Capricorn at the bottom. In
this way, the planetary rulership of the signs can be neatly represented. The center of the oval is divided by
five horizontal lines, creating six bands. The top band corresponds to Cancer and Leo, and since these
signs are ruled by the two luminaries, it is divided by a vertical line, with
the Moon (ruling Cancer) on the left, and the Sun (ruling Leo) on the
right. Notice that in this case
the Moon is portrayed as a crescent, its face drawn in profile—it appears more
usually in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia as a
full moon with its whole face visible.
The second band connects the signs Gemini and Virgo; the glyph of
Mercury, which rules both signs, is drawn in the center. Similarly, Taurus and Libra, with their
ruler, Venus, comprise the third band from the top. The fourth band comprises Aries and Scorpio, ruled by
Mars. Notice that here (and
consistently throughout Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia), instead of writing the Scorpio glyph, the writer has drawn a
naturalistic representation of a scorpion. The fifth band connects the signs of Pisces and Sagittarius
with their ruler, Jupiter.
Finally, the sixth and bottom band, like the first, connects two
contiguous sings, Aquarius and Capricorn, and these are ruled by Saturn. The elegance of this drawing consists
in the way it places the signs ruled by the luminaries at the apex of the
chart, with their opposites, ruled by Saturn, at the bottom. This is a compelling visual
representation, and a useful aid to memory.
Comparison to Beltrano’s Almanacco Perpetuo
Beltrano presents the same material in tabular form, in three
rows. The top row comprises the
glyphs of the Sun, the Moon, Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Venus, and Mercury. The second row lists the signs of the
zodiac ruled by each planet, with the diurnal rulership first, followed by the
nocturnal rulership (as indicated by the letters “d.” and “n.” in the third
row—a feature which Saet’lo Xiromant’ia
omits). Ludicrously, two mistakes
appear in the second row: the
glyph for Jupiter has been repeated under Jupiter, where Pisces should appear;
and the glyph for Libra has been repeated under Mercury, where Virgo should appear. Assuming that these errors characterized
the version of the Almanacco Perpetuo
he was using, the writer of Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia had some understanding of his subject, since he has made the
necessary corrections!
b.
Diagram illustrating the major aspects (46v)
Description and
interpretation
The
12 signs of the zodiac are drawn clockwise around the outer band, with
Capricorn to the left and Aries at the top. Lines connecting the signs represent the various aspects
they form among themselves. Not
all possible aspect relationships are indicated, however—the chart appears to
be oriented to Aries (at the apex), and that is the only sign for which all
aspects are indicated; lines to Aquarius and Gemini indicate the sextile (60º)
aspect; lines to Capricorn and Cancer indicate the square (90º) aspect; lines
to Sagittarius and Leo indicate the trine (120º) aspect; a line to Libra (at
the nadir of the chart) indicates the opposition (180º). The signs of Pisces, Taurus, Scorpio,
and Virgo are not connected by lines to anything else, presumably because they
form no aspects to Aries. However,
the Aries aspects are extended to show their geometric form—thus, sextiles are
drawn from Aquarius to Sagittarius and from Gemini to Leo, and again from
Sagittarius to Libra and from Leo to Libra, to create a hexagon; squares are
drawn from Capricorn to Libra, and from Cancer to Libra, to create a square;
and a trine is drawn from Sagittarius to Leo, to complete a triangle. The two circles which appear along the
line from Aries to Libra are presumably the astrological symbol for
opposition. The sextile from Aries
to Gemini is labeled with the Georgian letter ani (A), the square from Aries to Cancer with the Georgian letter bani (B), the trine from Aries to Leo
with the Georgian letter chini (CH),
and the opposition between Aries and Libra with the Georgian letter doni (D)—presumably these are keyed to
their accompanying explanations in the text. It is very interesting that chini has been used instead of gani
(the third letter of the Georgian alphabet)—this clearly points to western
European influence, and specifically to the input of a living Italian speaker,
just like the spelling of chelum (for
“coelum”) which is found on 36v. For no obvious reason, two other
aspects have been indicated as well:
a trine from Aquarius to Gemini, and an opposition between Capricorn and
Cancer.
Comparison to
Beltrano’s Almanacco Perpetuo
The
corresponding diagram in the Almanacco
Perpetuo shows some very interesting differences. Most importantly, the signs are drawn counterclockwise (the
more usual way of representing them), and the zodiac is oriented differently,
with Aquarius at the apex and Taurus on the ascendant (left side). The same aspect lines appear as in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, but centered on
Aquarius, not on Aries. The only
exception is the trine from Aquarius to Gemini (would be Aries to Sagittarius
in this case), which does not appear.
Sextiles are labeled with an asterisk and the letter A, squares with a
square and the letter B, and trines with a triangle and the letter C. The oppositions are labeled with a
curious figure like a stubby cross at the center of the chart, but with no
letter.
Insights provided
by the Georgian text
The
four letters on the chart are indeed keyed to the text below, where the
following explanation appears: a meekvse k’utxi b meotxe k’utxi ch
mesame k’utxi d p’irdap’iri k’utxi (“A sixth aspect, B fourth aspect, C
third aspect, D opposite aspect”).
c.
Diagram illustrating the sextile aspects (47r)
Description and
interpretation
This
is a chart illustrating the sextile (60º) aspects among the signs of the
zodiac. Interestingly enough, the
orientation of this chart corresponds to that of the aspect chart in the Almanacco Perpetuo (p. 139), which we
just discussed—the sings are drawn counterclockwise this time, with Taurus on
the ascendant (left) and Aquarius at midheaven (top). Lines connecting the signs illustrate every possible sextile
aspect (12 in all). There is a
horizontal line near the left center of the diagram, opposite the sign of
Taurus. Above and below this line
appear some characters which are not Georgian letters—above the line is a
left-curving vertical line and something like an English lower-case N; below
the line is a horizontal arc, like a smiling mouth. I don’t know what these mean.
Comparison to
Beltrano’s Almanacco Perpetuo
As
before, Beltrano’s diagram (p. 140) contains some important differences. The zodiac is again oriented
differently, with the signs written counterclockwise, but this time with Cancer
on the ascendant (left) and Aries at midheaven (top of the chart). This matches the orientation of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia 46v, except that
there the signs are written clockwise.
As in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia 47r,
all 12 sextile aspects are indicated by lines connecting the signs; and a
vertical line appears in the top center of the circle, opposite the sign of
Aries (as compared to Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
where it appears opposite Taurus, on the ascendant). To the left and right of this vertical line are printed the
letters SEN and DES, obviously intended as abbreviations for sinistro (“left”) and destro (“right”). This refers to the astrological
distinction between sinister aspects (those formed in a counterclockwise
direction, following the order of the signs) and dexter (clockwise, against the
order of the signs) aspects. The
Georgian abbreviations on 47r,
therefore, must indicate “right” and “left.”
d.
Diagram illustrating the square aspects (47r)
Description and
interpretation
This
is a chart illustrating all possible square (90º) aspects among the signs. The signs are drawn in a
counterclockwise direction around the outer band, with Cancer on the ascendant
(left) and Aries at the midheaven (top)—the same arrangement found in
Beltrano’s chart of sextiles (p. 140), which we just examined. Lines connecting the signs illustrate
all possible square aspects (12 in all).
Within the central circle appear the Georgian words marjvena (“right”) and marcxena
(“left”). To read these, the page
must be rotated and viewed from the left.
Comparison to
Beltrano’s Almanacco Perpetuo
The corresponding diagram in the Almanacco
Perpetuo (p. 141) contains few surprises. Its orientation (counterclockwise, Cancer on the ascendant,
Aries at midheaven) is the same as that of the Saet’lo Xiromant’ia chart.
It is nearly identical to the previous chart of sextiles (p. 140), with
SEN (sinistro) and DES (destro) indicated as before.
e.
Diagram illustrating the trine aspects (47v)
Description and
interpretation
This is a chart of all possible trine (120º) aspects. Its orientation (clockwise, Cancer on
the ascendant, Aries at midheaven) is exactly the same as that of the preceding
chart, and as before, the words marjvena
and marcxena (“left” and “right”)
have been written in the center of the chart so that the page must be rotated
to the left in order to read them.
Lines connecting the signs illustrate all possible trine aspects (12 in
all).
Comparison to
Beltrano’s Almanacco Perpetuo
Beltrano’s
chart of trines (p. 141) corresponds exactly to the Georgian chart, displaying
the same orientation of the zodiacal signs, and has a vertical line in the
center separating the abbreviations DES and SEN, but strangely, these have now
been transposed—DES appearing to the left of the line, and SEN to the right of
it.
f.
Diagram illustrating the zodiacal oppositions (47v)
Description and
interpretation
This
is a chart of all possible zodiacal oppositions (180º aspects). Its orientation (counterclockwise,
Cancer on the ascendant, Aries at midheaven) matches that of the two preceding
charts. Six lines, illustrating
all the possible oppositions, run from each sign to the one opposite. There are no labels or writing.
Comparison to
Beltrano’s Almanacco Perpetuo
Beltrano’s
chart of oppositions is different in that although the signs are written
clockwise, it has Aries on the ascendant (left side) and Capricorn at the
midheaven (top of the chart). The
six oppositions are indicated by lines connecting the signs. However, the lines converge on a large
central dot, like the hub of a wheel, which divides the six lines into 12
“spokes.” As in the Georgian
chart, there are no labels or writing.
Summary of chart
orientations for the aspect diagrams
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia Almanacco Perpetuo
direction ASC M.C. direction ASC M.C.
rulership clockwise Taurus Leo ---- ---- ----
major
aspects clockwise Capr. Aries countercl. Taurus Aquarius
sextiles countercl. Taurus
Aquarius countercl. Cancer Aries
squares countercl. Cancer Aries countercl. Cancer
Aries
trines countercl. Cancer Aries countercl. Cancer
Aries
oppositions countercl. Cancer
Aries countercl. Aries Capricorn
These
changes in orientation are not easy to explain. There may well be something hidden here, but it is equally
possible that the differences are simply a by-product of the process of copying
the illustrations from the Almanacco
Perpetuo. Since the diagrams
are so similar in form, it is easy to see (for example) how the writer of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia could have used the
orientation of the zodiac from Beltrano’s chart of major aspects (p. 139) for
the following chart of sextiles, or the orientation from Beltrano’s chart of
trines (p. 141) for the following chart of oppositions. The highly unusual clockwise writing of
the signs (46v and 47r) is much harder to explain, however.
7. First page of
a Table of Houses (page 48v)
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 48v
Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 145
Description and
interpretation
This is the beginning of a section that occupies several pages in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia. A table of houses for the appropriate
latitude is an essential tool for any practical astrologer, and the owner of
this book must have consulted it frequently.
The tables are organized into 12 sections, corresponding to the signs
of the zodiac. The present page
comprises the beginning of the sections for Aries (left side of the page) and
Taurus (right side of the page).
The four-line description at the top of the page reads as follows: zanduk’i
sadgomebisa martabaebisa da zemouri cis k’amarasi romelsa hkvian munajiburad
p’olo da amas akes martaba ocda cxramet’i vinc amas sibrdznit iangarishebs
moixmarebs sakartvelosak’en k’axetisk’en imeretisk’en odishisk’en azrumisk’en
da q’izilbashisak’en. [“table of houses, of ascendants, and of midheavens,
which are degrees for astrological pole 39; whoever reckons them wisely may use
them for Kartli, Kakheti, Imereti, Odessa, Erzurum and Qizilbashi”]. This is an important passage in that it
adds to the evidence that Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia originated in western Georgia—the places listed suggest an
orientation toward the Black Sea, which would make little sense if the
manuscript originated in eastern Georgia.
I cannot identify “Qizilbashi,” however. These sentences run straight through the vertical line which
divides the page in half—probably this line had already been ruled onto the
page before the text was added.
Below this, in red ink, descriptions have been placed at the head of each
register; the one on the left reads:
mze erk’emelis burjshi
asch’t’ich’ani (“sun in constellation of Aries X [the Georgian word appears
to be nonsense]”), while the one on the right reads: mze dek’eulis burjshi
martaba (“sun in constellation of Taurus degree”). The next row lists the houses for
Aries: sadgomi (“house”), followed by the numbers 10, 1 [this is an
error—should read “11”], 12, 1, 2, 3; and again for Taurus: 10, 11, 12, 1, 2, 3 (as is usual in a
table of houses, houses 4-9 are omitted because these are always simply the
opposites of the six houses already given. The next row down begins with a column marked S (for saati, “hour”), and N
(for nac’ili, “minute”), and then
indicates the zodiacal sign in which each of the six houses will begin. All this is repeated on the right for
Taurus. The remaining rows are
filled with numbers—of hours and minutes under the first column (headed S and N), and of zodiacal degrees under the remaining columns (headed
with signs of the zodiac). In one
case (last column on the right, headed with Virgo, fourth entry from the top),
the sign for Libra appears instead of a number; this indicates a position of
“zero Libra,” falling between 30 Virgo and 1 Libra—so that all the numbers
below this in the column refer to degrees in Libra, not Virgo.
Comparison to
Beltrano’s Almanacco Perpetuo
The
corresponding tables are found on pages 145-150 of the Almanacco Perpetuo.
The heading reads “Tavole delle Case li Gradi nel Polo 39 e servono per
il Regno di Napoli, Roma, Sicilia” (“tables of houses—the degrees at pole
39—and they serve for the Kingdom of Naples, Rome, Sicily”). The “pole” of a place, in astrological
parlance, is equivalent to its geographic latitude. In practice, the results obtained would not be very precise,
since the same tables are to be employed alike for Rome (41º54N), Naples
(40º50N), and Palermo (38º07N).
However, this is consistent with the mathematics associated with the
Ptolemaic climes. The remarkable
thing is that the author of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia
has copied these same tables without modification for use at locations still
farther north: Tbilisi (41º43N),
Telavi (41ª55N), Kutaisi (42º15N), Odessa (46º28N), and Erzurum (39º54N).
Beltrano’s
tables contain several obvious errors.
On the present page 145, the row beginning “Case” is marked “10, 11, 12,
1, 10 [sic], 3”. In the Aries column for the 11th
house, about halfway down, we read “20, 2, 2, 23”—obviously the second digit
has been left out, and the series should probably read “20, 21, 22, 23.” The writer of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia has corrected these errors, but has perpetrated
new ones of his own by miscopying the Italian source. There are no fewer than 13 numerical errors on this page
alone, most of them off by just one degree, though in one case “29” has been
written in error for “20.” It is
just possible that these changes reflect an attempt to correct the tables for a
more northerly latitude. At the
bottom page 145, Beltrano provides the following explanatory note: “Queste Tavole sono dell’ore dopo mezzo giorno per collocare li
Dodeci Segni nella Celeste Figura” (“These are tables of hours after mid-day,
to compute the 12 signs of the celestial chart”). A Georgian translation of this is found at the bottom of
49r.
Discussion
A
careful examination of these tables establishes that they follow the
Regiomontanus system of house division, which was in general use by European
astrologers at this period. This
system was soon to be superseded by the Placidean system, which was being
developed at this time.
On
pages 154-155 of the Almanacco Perpetuo
are found a set of instructions for erecting a horoscope using these
tables. The procedure involves
finding the sum of three values: the local time in hours and minutes after
noon; the hours and minutes (first column) which correspond to the Sun’s
current zodiacal position (in the column headed “10”); and the hours and
minutes of sidereal time associated with the Sun’s current position, to be
taken from the ephemeris of Argolus.
This sum is the sidereal time.
To erect a chart, it is necessary to use these tables in conjunction
with an ephemeris which gives the current planetary positions.
In
the example given by Beltrano, the time given is 2:48 P.M.; the hours and
minutes for the Sun’s zodiacal position are 6 hours, 0 minutes (by definition,
since this is the chart of a cardinal ingress); and the universal time from the
ephemeris is 7 hours, 30 minutes.
The sum of these three values is 16h 18m. The next step is to find this sum (the sidereal time)
wherever it falls in the column marked H. M. In this case, it corresponds closely to 16h 16m, which
appears in the table of houses on page 149. The associated house cusps are as follows:
H.M. 10 11 12 1 2 3
16:16 6Sag 25Sag 17Cap 17Aqu 7Ari 13Tau
The remaining six house cusps are simply
the opposite points to these:
4 5 6 7 8 9
6Gem 25Gem 17Can 17Leo 7Lib 13Sco
Once these house
cusps have been entered on the chart, all that remains is to add the positions
of the seven planets and the lunar nodes, which are taken directly from the
ephemeris.
Well and good. The
remarkable thing is that Beltrano’s instructions are so garbled that it would
probably be impossible for a learner to obtain any meaningful results by following
them. Beltrano instructs the
practitioner to use the time after noon; in fact the time 2:48 is correct, but
actually refers to the hours and minutes before midnight (since local
time is 10:12 PM). In addition,
Beltrano’s listing of the house cusps associated with the sidereal time of 16h
16m does not correspond to the values actually found in his table. He gives 6Sag, 24Sag, 14Cap, 17Aqu,
17Ari, 15Tau. This is highly
confusing, since the table lists them as 6Sag, 25Sag, 17Cap, 17Aqu, 7Ari,
13Tau.
A person trained in astrology would be able to wade through this morass
of errors, making the necessary adjustments, but an untrained person would
probably have to give up without accomplishing anything.
Could it be that these errors are intentional? If so, they may constitute a virtual
“lock” on the book, deliberately obscuring its meaning from the
uninitiated—providing instructions which cannot be followed without the prior
knowledge necessary to sort out the errors.
8.
Horoscope of a Summer Ingress (pages 58v-59r)
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 58v Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 59r
Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 155 Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 156
Description and
interpretation
On 58v, the cusps of
the 12 houses for a specific horoscope have been listed:
house sign degree
10 Sagittarius 6
11 Sagittarius 24
12 Capricorn 14
1 Aquarius 17º36’
2 Aries 7
3 Taurus 14
4 Gemini 6
5 Gemini 24
6 Cancer 14
7 Leo 17º36’
8 Libra 7
9 Scorpio 14
The
heading reads: sadgomebisa da burjebis angarishi
(“computation of houses and constellations”). As is customary, the ascendant (first house) is indicated
more precisely, in degrees and minutes, and the same has been done with the
degree opposite (seventh
house). The signs of Pisces and
Virgo are “intercepted” (completely contained within the first and seventh
houses, respectively), something which frequently occurs with some of the more
common systems of house division.
It is interesting to note that the writer made a mistake in transcribing
this table—he failed to write Gemini a second time, so that the remaining four
signs in the column were assigned to the wrong houses. After erasing the entire column (still
dimly visible), he rewrote it (correctly) slightly to the right.
This
set of house-cusps, along with planetary positions, has been used to erect the
horoscope on 59r, from which the following values can be extracted (I have
entered the planets next to the houses they occupy):
houses planets
I 17
Aquarius 36 north
node 4
Pisces 55
II 7
Aries [?] 11
Aries 07
III 14
Taurus Venus 20
Taurus 23
Mars 28
Taurus 11
IV 6
Gemini
V 24
Gemini Mercury 27
Gemini 14
Sun 0
Cancer 00
VI 14
Cancer Jupiter 4
Leo 56
VII 17
Leo 03 [sic] Moon 3
300 Virgo 46 [sic]
south
node 4
Virgo 55
VIII 7
Libra
IX 14
Scorpio
X 6
Sagittarius
XI 24
Sagittarius Saturn 29
Sagittarius 34
XII 14
Capricorn
The
central inscription reads as follows:
saxe ese tu mze rogor sheva
burjebshi KK’SA T’NIV mariambisatve dghe IA shami I nac’ili IEy cis zemuri k’amara MA (“this is the
chart for when the sun will enter the constellations, [year 366], month of
August, day 11, hour 10, minute 18, midheaven 41”).
This
is obviously the chart of a Summer Ingress (the moment when the Sun enters
Cancer, signifying the beginning of summer), with the position of the Sun given
as
0 Cancer 00. The erection of such charts is an
important feature of Mundane Astrology (the astrology typical of almanacs and
other general prognostications pertaining to the weather and political events).
There
are a number of strange and inexplicable things here. It is very hard to understand why the cusp of the seventh house
is given as 17 Leo 03, when it is entered correctly on table on the facing page
as 17 Leo 36. Also, since this is
clearly the chart of a summer ingress (which would occur around June 21st),
the reference date of August 11th makes no sense at all. I am also unable to make sense of the
lunar position, which is given as G—T’—MV (3—300—46). I assume it is supposed to be 3 Virgo 46, but don’t know
what to make of the intervening number 300. I cannot understand the meaning of the number 41 associated
with the midheaven, either.
The
most interesting feature of this chart, however, is the unidentified object
which appears in the second house at 11 Aries 07. It is drawn as a black dot surrounded by seven smaller dots. It could represent one of the fixed stars,
or a comet, or possibly the supernova of 1604. It could also represent one of the partes arabicae (invisible points or “lots” derived from other
zodiacal positions by addition or subtraction), or it could represent some
hypothetical planet (highly unlikely unless there is some remarkable survival
here of a pre-Islamic Persian practice). I will have to do further research on
this!
My
best guess at this point is that this strange little symbol is intended to
represent the Pars Fortunae (“part of
fortune”). The Pars Fortunae is the best-known of the partes arabicae, and is derived by
finding the zodiacal distance between the Sun and Moon and adding that to the
Ascendant. The position actually
given for our mysterious object is 11º07, and since this position is written
parallel to that of the cusp of the second house (7 Aries), I have assumed that
this means 11 Aries 07; however, both 11 Aries 07 and 11 Taurus 07 fall within
the second house in this case (the third house does not begin until 14 Taurus),
so it is possible that the real value is 11 Taurus 07. Although we don’t know the actual lunar
position the writer of Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia was using, we do know that the Ascendant was 17 Aquarius 36 and
the Sun was at 0 Cancer 00—so if this object really is the Pars Fortunae, we can easily compute the lunar position the writer
was using—23 Virgo 31.
Unfortunately, this does not accord in any way with what is written next
to the Moon on the chart.
Comparison to
Beltrano’s Almanacco Perpetuo
Now,
let’s compare this horoscope to the parallel passage in Beltrano. On page 155 of the Almanacco Perpetuo appears a set of house cusps which are obviously
the basis of those listed above:
10 6
Sagittarius 4 6
Gemini
11 6
Sagittarius [sic] 5 24
Gemini
12 54
Capricorn [sic] 6 14
Cancer
1 14
Scorpio 36 [sic] 7 17
Leo 36
2 7
Aries 8 7
Libra
3 14
Taurus 9 14
Aquarius [sic]
The ineptitude
encompassed in this single small table is simply amazing. Nevertheless, with the errors
corrected, it is obviously the same horoscope that appears in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia.
On
page 156, there is yet another surprise:
a blank horoscope.
Presumably, the printer left this chart to be filled in by hand, but
this was never done. It would be
very interesting to examine this page in other copies and other editions of
Beltrano’s almanac.
Even
without the original version of the horoscope, it should be relatively easy to
determine the date for which the horoscope in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia was erected. I decided to try this on Saturday, 26 April 2008, after
wasting most of the afternoon on other matters. I asked my colleague, David Rath, to note the time, so that
I could demonstrate how quickly this could done. Using the software and ephemerides available at the
Astrodienst website, I was able to determine the date in just 25 minutes—this
despite the fact that (unsurprisingly) the planetary positions given in the
horoscope are far from exact. The
date I arrived at was 21 June 1635, and this was subsequently confirmed when I
found that same date given on page 154 of the Almanacco Perpetuo. My
ability to find this date so quickly demonstrates the uniqueness of any given
moment in time and the horoscope associated with it—a simple collocation of
just four planets in their respective zodiacal signs will create a
configuration unlikely to be duplicated at any other date in all of human
history!
The
corrected horoscope for the Summer Ingress of 1635 (at Tbilisi) appears below
(as generated by the Astrodienst software).
This is truly a remarkable chart, since the Sun and Saturn are in
opposition and both are angular (posited in the fourth and tenth houses,
respectively), and the Moon is very nearly so (within four degrees of the cusp
of the seventh house). In mundane
astrology, such a chart would be regarded as presaging extremely significant
political events for the year to come.
From this chart, it becomes evident that the intended position of Mars
in the horoscope was 28 Gemini 11, not 28 Taurus 11 (as I had mistakenly
concluded based on where Mars was entered in the chart); moreover, due to a
clerical error, this should be corrected to 18 Gemini 11.
At
the time I erected this chart, I did not know that it was based on Beltrano’s
data (which assumed a location in southern Italy, not in the Caucasus), and I
used the Placidean house cusps as is my custom. A comparable chart for Naples on the same date, using the
Regiomontanus system of house division, appears below:
Note that the chart of the ingress erected for Naples is much less
dramatic: although the planets
retain their configuration relative to each other (Sun and Saturn in partile
opposition, within 30 minutes of arc), the mundane houses have shifted so that
they are no longer angular.
It now becomes possible to tabulate the horoscopic data given in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia (and by Beltrano)
against the actual positions for 21 June 1635 (computer-generated, and accurate
to within a few seconds of arc):
houses Saet’lo Xiromant’ia actual
positions difference
I 17
Aquarius 36 17
Aquarius 38 0º02’
II 7
Aries 6
Aries 31 0º29’
III 14
Taurus 13
Taurus 36 0º24’
IV 6
Gemini 5
Gemini 56 0º04’
V 24
Gemini 23
Gemini 50 0º10’
VI 14
Cancer 14
Cancer 32 0º32’
VII 17
Leo 36 17
Leo 38 0º02’
VIII 7
Libra 6
Libra 31 0º29’
IX 14
Scorpio 13
Scorpio 36 0º24’
X 6
Sagittarius 5
Sagittarius 56 0º04’
XI 24
Sagittarius 23
Sagittarius 50 0º10’
XII 14
Capricorn 14
Capricorn 32 0º32’
planets
Sun 0
Cancer 00 0
Cancer 00 [none]
Moon 23
Virgo 31 [?] 23
Virgo 41 0º10’
Mercury 27
Gemini 14 23
Gemini 57 3º17’
Venus 20
Taurus 23 20
Taurus 07 0º16’
Mars 18
Gemini 11 [corrected] 18
Gemini 10 0º01’
Jupiter 4
Leo 56 5
Leo 01 0º05’
Saturn 29
Sagittarius 34 29
Sagittarius 30 0º04’
north node 4
Pisces 55 5
Pisces 25 0º30’
south node 4
Virgo 55 5
Virgo 25 0º30’
pars fort. [?] 11
Taurus 07 11
Taurus 18 0º11’
The accuracy of this horoscope is very impressive, with most positions
correct to within less than 30 minutes of arc. The only exception is Mercury, which has been placed more
than 3º ahead of its true position.
This is not surprising, however—Mercury positions are notoriously
difficult to determine, and old astronomical texts frequently err in their
positions for Mercury by 10º or more.
The accuracy of horoscopic planetary positions is a function of the
ephemeris used by the practitioner; in this case, Argolus was used. As the results demonstrate, planetary
positions derived from the Argolus ephemeris approach modern standards of accuracy. Although the Mercury position requires
significant correction, its computation by Argolus still represents a great
improvement over earlier ephemerides.
From what Beltrano says about it, this horoscope for 21 June 1635 is
simply presented as an example of how to erect a chart. The corresponding passage in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia (57v-58r) appears on
pages unavailable to me.
So far, I have been unable to find any astrological discussion of this
specific cardinal ingress. It is
inevitable, however, that such an analysis was done, and undoubtedly a study of
the numerous astrological almanacs published during the 17th century
would unearth more than one version of it. Even the chart erected for Naples has some remarkable
features, and I can’t help wondering whether the enigmatic and ingenious
Beltrano had some secret purpose in presenting this particular horoscope!
Finally, the chart which appears on page 59r of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia yields some additional (albeit inconclusive)
evidence bearing on the problem of the mysterious system of dates used
throughout the manuscript. The
year for this chart is designated as T’NIV, a numerical expression which would
generally be read as 366 (300+50+10+6).
The actual year of this summer ingress (1635) has already been
conclusively established, not only by identifying the historical planetary
positions but also from the explicit statement found on p. 154 of the Almanacco Perpetuo. This would imply
that T’NIV (366) is equivalent to 1635, with a calendrical era beginning in
1269. Unfortunately, this does not
harmonize with the equivalencies implied by the eclipse series (31r-35r), where
T’M (340) was found to correspond to the eclipses of 1652, with an era
beginning in 1312. Obviously
something is wrong here. If the
1312 era is correct, then the writer of Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia is incorrectly assigning the summer ingress chart to the year 1678—a date for which the actual
chart does not even superficially resemble the present one!
9.
The Perpetual Almanac (pages 60v-74r)
This
section forms the core of Beltrano’s almanac (pp. 159-203), and is presumably a
perpetuation of the original almanac of Rutilio Benincaso. It presents the coming years in a
28-year cycle—so that the almanac can be perpetually updated; hence the title Almanacco
Perpetuo. I do not understand the basis of this
28-year cycle, and considerable research has failed to uncover its
principle. It appears to have
something to do with the 28-year “Dionysian cycle,” by which (for example) if
July 4th falls on a Friday this year (2008), it will again fall on a Friday in
2036, 28 years from now.
The layout of the section for each year in the Almanacco
Perpetuo follows the same
pattern. Across the top are listed
four years (28 years apart), to any of which the prognostications which follow
may be applied. In most cases this
list is accompanied by a pictorial representation of one of the seven planets,
which usually includes the signs ruled by that planet. After this follows a
prognostication for the year, pertaining to the weather, the harvest, wars,
pestilences, and so on. These
prognostications always begin with the same formula: “Il Sole entrando al primo grado d’Ariete a’ 21 di Marzo
dominatore [or ‘signore’] dell’Anno sarà il
Pianeta di [PLANET], con il segno di [SIGN], casa di [PLANET]” (“When the sun
enters the first degree of Aries on the 21st of March, the ruler of the year
will be the planet [X], with the sign of [Y], house of [Z]”). The apparent intention of this is to
indicate first, the planet which rules the rising sign; second, the sign in
which that planet is found; and third, the planet which rules that sign.
The text of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia is essentially a translation of these yearly
prognostications. In the Georgian
text, each section begins with a similar formula: mze sheva erk’emelis c’inap’irvels
c’inap’irveli c’inc’k’alshi mart’is tertmet’s mashin ip’at’ronebs [PLANET] [of SIGN] burjshi
romel ars [of PLANET] sadgomi da [PLANET] cis shuashi ikneba p’irvel
gamochenaze (“the sun will
enter the first of Aries, in the first degree, on the eleventh [sic] of March,
then [X] will rule, in the constellation of [Y], which is the house of
[Z]”). It is very curious that the
writer of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia
consistently gives March 11th as the date of the equinox—another of this
manuscript’s many mysteries!
Near the end of each section, the Italian text includes a short
agricultural prognostication beginning with the formula “Democrito dice che . .
.” In most cases, a translation of
this appears in the Georgian text, introduced with the phrase demok’rit’e
it’q’vis or demok’rit’e
pilasoposi it’q’vis.
In both of these texts, the planet pictured for each year is usually
the “ruler of the year,” but sometimes it is the planetary ruler of the sign
that planet occupies. I can
discover no rationale for why the authors have chosen one or the other.
In analyzing the 28-year cycle, my first assumption was that Beltrano
was simply using the planetary ruler of the day of the week on which the
equinox actually occurred, but the results for the years 1720-1747 did not
match the series given by Beltrano, and did not yield a 28-year cycle. I then tried an even simpler
approach—the planetary ruler of the day of the week on which March 21st
falls. This does yield a 28-year
cycle, but unfortunately the results do not match Beltrano’s series for
1720-1747.
On page 155 of the Almanacco Perpetuo, the following statement is found: “e sempre quello, che si ritrova nel primo angolo Orientale, sarà
dominatore dell’ Anno, e questo è quello, che ha più
forza de gl’ altri nel spuntar del Sole, come capo della Stagione, o il Pianeta
che averà più dignità” (“and always that [zodiacal sign] which is
found in the first ascending angle will be the lord of the year, and this is
that [sign] which has greater strength than the others at the sun’s rising [or
ingress, if spuntar may be construed in that sense], as the chief [planet] of the season,
or the planet which has greater dignity”). This clearly implies that the way to ascertain the planetary
“lord of the year” is to erect the chart for the Sun’s spring ingress into
Aries (on or about March 21st), and find the rising sign. If we take the chart on 59r of Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia as an example,
the rising sign is Aquarius, making Saturn the ruler of the chart (since Saturn
rules the sign of Aquarius). The
rest of Beltrano’s statement is confusing, however: he refers to an alternate method of determining the ruler of
the chart, by finding the planet which has the greatest essential dignity (in
terms of its placement by sign, term, and triplicity) at the moment of sunrise
(or ingress, possibly). Beltrano’s
words imply that these methods are equivalent, but in fact the two approaches
will seldom yield the same result.
The perpetual almanac section in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia has been updated by gluing strips of paper
over the rows of dates, and writing new dates on these strips. In some cases, the strips have become
loose, and it is possible to read the original dates underneath. It turns out that for at least part of
the series, the numbers have been advanced by 84 years. Moreover, while the original text
(following the Italian source) listed four years in red ink above each picture,
the glued strips list five years (in black ink). All of this implies that Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia was in use for
more than a century!
In mundane
astrology, the spring ingress of the Sun into the constellation of Aries was
regarded as the beginning of the astrological year, and the chart erected for
that moment was the cornerstone of all predictions for the year to come.
Hieronymus Cardanus writes of this in what I find to be one of the most
memorable passages in all of astrology:
“There are some things perfectly known, as the Circle of Ascension, some
in a competent measure, as the Revolution of the Sun; some may be known
although they yet are not, as the Revolution of the Superiors; some things fall
under knowledge, yet cannot be exactly known, as the precise ingress of the Sun
into the Equinoctial Point; some are neither known, nor can be known, as the
complete commixtures and distinct virtues of all the Stars.” (Lilly 1675:¶3).
My
discussion of the illustrations in this section will proceed as follows: first, I will describe each planetary
representation as it appears in the Almanacco Perpetuo (the obvious source of the Georgian
text). Then, I will examine how
the corresponding illustrations in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia compare to these. Finally, using a procedure based on that described by
Willett Kempton in The Folk Classification of Ceramics (1981), I will try to discover how these
illustrations fit into the taxonomy of planetary representations, as they
appear in a variety of European, Islamic, and Indian sources.
To
construct this taxonomy, I have used the illustrations from Giordano Bruno’s Ars
Memoriae (1582) and De
Imaginum Compositione (1591)
[both sets available at the “Twilight Grotto” website (http://www.esotericarchives.com/gifs/gifs.htm#astrology)]; the planetary images included in the Tarocchi
di Mantegna (c1465) [from
Adam McLean, “An Hermetic Origin of the Tarot Cards?
A
Consideration of the Tarocchi of Mantegna” (1983) [available at http://www.levity.com/alchemy/mantegna.html]; Hans Sebald Beham’s series of woodcuts
illustrating the seven planets (1530/40) [available at Adam McLean’s “Alchemy
Website” (http://www.alchemywebsite.com/amcl
_astronomical _material.html)];
an anonymous set of woodcuts from Christopher Warnock’s “Renaissance Astrology”
website (http://www.renaissanceastrology.com/
planets.html); Islamic
representations from Eva Baer’s article “Representations of
‘Planet-Children’ in Turkish Manuscripts” (1968); a set of Indian planetary
representations from the Sanatan Society website (http://www.sanatansociety.org/vedic
_astrology_and_numerology/vedic_astrology_9_planets.htm); and a number of
miscellaneous planetary representations from various sources.
Unlike
the representations of the twelve signs of the zodiac, which pervade the
astrological literature of all periods, representations (personifications) of
the seven planets are seldom found.
Despite considerable research, I have only succeeded in compiling a
small sample; there are doubtless numerous variants which are not represented
here. With further work, I hope to
succeed in compiling a full taxonomy comparable to Kempton’s work, in which
every possible variant is classified and displayed.
Nevertheless,
despite the limited scope of the available material, this taxonomy has resulted
in a number of important discoveries.
For one thing, it is clear that the illustrations in Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia (and the Almanacco
Perpetuo) owe nothing at all
to the Islamic or Indian traditions—they fit solidly within the western
tradition of planetary representations.
When I first looked through Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, I was struck by the fact that these
illustrations did not appear to reflect the dress or cultural conventions of
the Caucasus region; rather, the dress and demeanor of the figures resembled
the archaic courtly dress of western Europe, much as it is portrayed in a set of
playing cards.
This phenomenon
puzzled me greatly, but the reason for it became clear when I saw the
illustrations in the Almanacco Perpetuo, from which the Georgian series was derived.
It
turns out that almost every detail found in these representations finds at
least one parallel in the set of western planetary representations which I have
assembled for comparison.
a.
Representations of Jupiter
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 60v
Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 161
Almanacco Perpetuo: Jupiter is portrayed as a seated king,
bearded, wearing a five-pronged crown.
In his right hand, he holds three long objects clustered together which
look like leaves. In his left
hand, he holds a scepter. Just to
the right of the scepter’s tip, there is a nine-pointed star. Just to the right of the scepter’s
base, the Jupiter glyph appears.
At the bottom of the picture there are two circles, with two fish
(Pisces) in the circle on the left, and a centaur (Sagittarius) in the circle
on the right. Three labels
appear: CASA D GIOVE between the
circles, PISCE above the right circle, and SAGIT above the left circle.
Saet’lo Xiromanti’a
contains four parallel versions of this illustration:
60v: A seated
king, bearded, wearing a four-pronged crown. In his right hand, three unidentifiable objects, just as in
the Almanacco Perpetuo. In his left hand, a scepter, with a
seven-pointed star to the right of it.
The Jupiter glyph does not appear.
At bottom left is a circle containing the two fish (Pisces); at bottom
right is a centaur with a bow (Sagittarius, not in a circle). There are no labels.
63r: This
picture differs from 60v in several ways.
The king is clean-shaven.
The scepter looks more like a sword. The star has eight points. There are no zodiacal signs represented at the bottom of the
picture.
66v: Here, the
king is bearded. In his right
hand, instead of the three strange objects, he holds a large arrow or dart with
the feathers pointing upward, and the point concealed within his hand. At bottom left is a ram (Aries). At bottom right is a centaur, drawn as
if shooting an arrow but without a bow (Sagittarius). Neither of these small figures is surrounded by a circle.
72r: Like 66v,
the king holds a large arrow in his right hand, with the feathers upward and
the point downward. At bottom left
is a sea-goat (Capricorn). At
bottom right is a centaur shooting a bow (Sagittarius). Neither is surrounded by a circle.
76v: This
version follows 60v in every detail, with two exceptions: first, the sign of
Pisces is not surrounded by a circle; second, the Jupiter glyph appears on the
left, just above the centaur’s head.
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
63r Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia, 66v
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
72r Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia, 76v
Taxonomy of Jupiter
representations
Giordano
Bruno, Ars Memoriae (1582) Giordano
Bruno, De Imaginum Compositione
(1591)
Tarocchi di Mantegna (c1465) Hans
Sebald Beham (1530/40)
woodblock print of
Jupiter (C. Warnock) Jupiter
(17th century manuscript)
Sayyid
Muhammad b. Amir Hasan Su’udi (1582) Indian
representation of Jupiter
Based on these data, it appears that Jupiter is generally portrayed as
a king, usually seated on a throne or in a chariot. In his right hand, he holds
a bunch of arrows (one, two, or three), or sometimes a bowl; and in his left, a
scepter. However, when Jupiter
holds only a scepter, it is always in his right hand.
Jupiter is associated with eagles or peacocks. The two signs he rules may appear in
two circles or wheels at the bottom of the picture: Pisces on the left and Sagittarius on the right (Beham,
Warnock, 17th century engraving); or Sagittarius on the left and Pisces on the
right (Bruno 1582, 1591). A star
appears at upper left, above his scepter (Bruno 1582) but covers his secrets in
Warnock’s engraving. The Jupiter
glyph appears at upper right (Bruno 1582), but floats just in front of the king
in Beham’s engraving.
The Islamic and Indian representations appear to be entirely unrelated
to the western ones and are probably irrelevant to Saet’lo Xiromant’ia.
Thus, it appears that the representations of Jupiter in the Almanacco
Perpetuo and three of those
in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia
(60v, 63r, 76v) fit solidly into these conventions. Overall, the closest model is the image seen in Bruno’s Ars
Memoriae (1582). However, the other two representations
(66v and 72r) are extremely problematical because they have replaced Pisces
with other signs which are not ruled by Mars (Aries and Capricorn,
respectively).
This taxonomy makes it clear that the strange cluster of objects which
appear in the figure’s right hand are supposed to be arrows!
b.
Representations of the Sun
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 61v
Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 166 (illustration duplicated on p. 178)
Almanacco Perpetuo portrays the sun as a seated king, wearing a
five-pronged crown. He holds
a scepter in his right hand, and he rests his right hand in his lap. To the left of the king’s head is a sun
with a face and rays; its face appears to be tilted to the left. To the right of the king’s head is a
star with seven points. Two
circles appear at the bottom of the picture. In the left circle is a lion (Leo), and in the right circle
is what appears to be a crescent moon, points upward, with the unilluminated
part of its disk shaded in. Two
labels appear: LEON (above the lion),
and CASA DSOLE (below the king’s feet).
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia contains five separate representations of the
Sun, as follows:
61v: The sun is portrayed as a seated king, wearing a
four-pronged crown. He holds a
three-pronged scepter in his left hand, and rests his right hand in his lap. My first thought when I examined this
and several other illustrations in Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia was that perhaps the illustrations had been drawn from a
printing block, resulting in this reversal of left and right. However, here as elsewhere, the
reversal of left and right is only partial—in this case, a sun with eleven rays
and a face, sharply tilted to the left, appears at top left, while a
six-pointed star appears at top right, between the king’s face and the top of
his scepter, so the left-right orientation of these objects is the same as in
the Almanacco Perpetuo. The circle at the bottom left of the
drawing displays a pouncing lion (Leo, left), and a much smaller circle at
bottom right contains a small image of the full moon with a face. Strangely enough, like the sun’s face
at upper left, this face is lying on its side, with its chin to the right. No labels.
64v: As above, but this time the sun (again, tilted to the left)
has eight rays, and the star only five points. There is no circle around the pouncing lion, and the moon at
lower right is completely shaded and has no face.
70v: This one is identical to 64v, except that the sun has nine
rays, and the star has six points.
The moon at lower right is dark as in 64v.
Almanacco Perpetuo (pp. 160, 174) contains an alternate
illustration for the sun, consisting simply of a sun with a face, surrounded by
16 flames and numerous rays. This
version finds its counterpart in Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia 67v (a sun with a face, surrounded by eight flames and numerous
rays, which are surrounded in turn by two concentric circles).
62r: Here is yet another version of the sun: a lion, walking toward the left, with a
mane and a human-like face. To the
left (outside the box) appears a small image of the sun with nine rays and a
face.
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 64v Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia, 70v
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 62r Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 67v
Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 160 (illustration duplicated on p. 174)
Taxonomy of Solar
representations
Giordano
Bruno, Ars Memoriae (1582) Giordano
Bruno, De Imaginum Compositione
(1591)
Tarocchi di Mantegna (c1465) Hans
Sebald Beham (1530/40)
woodblock print of the Sun (C. Warnock)
manuscript representation of the Sun (C. Warnock)
Sayyid Muhammad b. Amir Hasan Su’udi (1582) Indian
representation of the Sun
Based on these data, it can be said that the sun generally appears as a
king wearing a crown, sometimes seated on a throne or in a chariot. He may be holding one or two
objects: a scepter or torch, and a
book. If holding just a scepter,
it is always in the king’s right hand; if holding two objects, the scepter may
be either in the right or left hand.
The sun is associated with horses in several cases, and of course with
the lion (since the sun rules Leo).
Since the sun rules only one sign of the zodiac, only one circle appears
in Bruno’s images of 1582 and 1591, as well as Beham’s woodcut (in the two
latter cases this is accomplished by using a chariot with just one axle). The sun appears above the scepter in
Bruno (1582), and covers the king’s secrets in the Warnock woodcut. The sun glyph appears to the right in
both of these, but floats just in front of the figure in Beham’s woodcut. The Islamic version simply portrays the
sun rising over hills, while the Indian representaton portrays the sun as a
divine being seated in a chariot drawn by six horses.
Almanacco Perpetuo departs from these conventions in several
important ways. First, the
seven-pointed star at upper right has no parallels elsewhere. Also, it appears that the illustrator
was extremely attached to the practice of illustrating two zodiacal signs at
the bottom of the picture; since the sun requires only Leo, he has filled in
the right-hand circle with a crescent moon which is simply inexplicable in the
context. Finally, I can find no
precedent for the portrayal of the sun with its face tilted to the left.
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia has followed the Almanacco Perpetuo in all of these peculiarities—three times adding
a star on the upper right (five or six points), and three times including a
representation of the moon at lower right (full moon or new moon). The leftward tilt of the sun’s face is
also imitated from the Italian source.
Finally, in all three cases the king holds his scepter in his left
hand—this is very strange, and again finds no parallel either in Beltrano or
among the other representations I have assembled here.
c.
Representations of Mars
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 62v
Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 171 (illustration duplicated on pages
159, 181)
In the Almanacco Perpetuo,
Mars is portrayed as a warrior seated on a hillock, wearing a cuirass and
helmet. He holds a sword in his
right hand, and his left hand is extended. To the left of his head appears an eight-pointed star with a
tail, and to the right of his head appears the Mars glyph (tilted to the left,
not to the right as commonly). Two
circles appear at the bottom of the picture. The left circle contains a scorpion (Scorpio), while the
right circle contains a bull (Taurus); this seems to be an error, since the
signs ruled by Mars are Aries and Scorpio, not Taurus and Scorpio. There are three labels: SCORP above the left-hand circle,
ARIETE (correct) above the right-hand circle, and beneath the warrior’s feet,
CASA DMARTE.
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia portrays Mars in a
crouching position (no hill is visible), and instead of the helmet and cuirass,
he appears to be wearing a cap and parti-colored clothing (light on the left,
shaded on the right), something like the Joker in a deck of cards.
62v: Very strangely, Mars holds his sword in
his left hand! His right hand is
extended. The Mars glyph appears
to the left of his head, and an eight-pointed star (no tail) to the right of
his head. Both these arrangements
are the mirror-opposite of the Almanacco
Perpetuo illustration. At
bottom left, there is a sheep (no horns); at bottom right, a scorpion (again,
this arrangement reverses that found in the Almanacco
Perpetuo illustration. Neither
of these is surrounded by a circle, and there are no labels.
68v: This version is identical to that of
62v, but in this case the ruminant is clearly a ram, with horns. Notice how the glued strip of paper
used to update the almanac has peeled aside, revealing the original date
written in red ink—this and other similar instances reveal that the cycle has
been updated (brought forward by 84 years).
73r: This version is identical to the other
two, but in this case the ram has been replaced by a bull (Taurus)—perpetuating
the error seen in the Almanacco Perpetuo. The warrior is more thickset than in
the other illustrations, and his clothing is all of the same color.
Thus,
the illustrations of Mars found in Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia may be interpreted as mirror-reversals of the one in Almanacco Perpetuo in every detail.
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 68v Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia, 73r
Taxonomy of Mars
representations
Giordano
Bruno, Ars Memoriae (1582) Giordano
Bruno, De Imaginum Compositione
(1591)
Tarocchi di Mantegna (c1465) Hans
Sebald Beham (1530/40)
woodblock
print of Mars (C. Warnock) Sayyid
Muhammad b. Amir Hasan Su’udi (1582)
Turkish representations of Mars (E. Baer) Indian
representation of Mars
Based
on these data, it can be said that Mars is portrayed as a warrior, usually
seated on a throne or in a chariot.
In his right hand, he holds a weapon (a sword, axe, or spear), and may
hold a shield in his left.
However, Warnock’s engraving has him holding a torch in his right hand
and an axe in his left, with a sword suspended from his waist; Beham portrays
him with a shield in his right hand and nothing in his right.
Mars
is associated with horses or dogs (“let slip the dogs of war”). The two signs ruled by Mars may appear
in two circles or wheels, with Aries on the left and Scorpio on the right
(Bruno 1582, 1591, Beham, Warnock).
A star appears on the upper left (Bruno 1582), but covers the secrets in
the Warnock engraving. The Mars
glyph appears at upper right (Bruno 1582), but Beham has it floating in front
of the figure.
The
Islamic representations agree in placing an axe in his right hand and a pointed
hat on his head. The Indian
representation portrays him as a warrior riding on a ram, with a sword in his
right hand and a shield in his left.
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia is eccentric in
downplaying the warrior’s martial character (no helmet or cuirass), in
confounding Taurus with Aries (an error apparently copied from the Almanacco Perpetuo), and, above all, in
consistently portraying him as a left-handed swordsman.
d.
Representations of the Moon
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 68r
Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 167
The
Almanacco Perpetuo portrays the Moon as
a seated woman (possibly on a field of grass—perhaps because the moon is
associated with dew). In her right
hand, she holds an object which appears to be a torch; her left hand is
extended and appears to be pointing upwards. On the upper left is a crescent moon with horns inward,
while on the upper right is another crescent moon with a face in the
unilluminated portion (also with horns inward). There are two circles at the bottom of the picture. The left circle contains a crab
(Cancer), while the right circle contains something that looks like the pages
of an open book. There are two
labels: CAN above the crab, and
CASA D LUNA beneath the woman’s feet.
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia follows this model,
but with several differences.
Instead of a torch, the woman holds an arrow; and instead of pointing
upward, her left hand rests in her lap.
There is nothing comparable to the “grass” suggested by the double line
of squares in Almanacco Perpetuo. In every case, the woman’s skirt is
hiked up to reveal her left knee—a detail which is reminiscent of the
representations of Senacher (the second decanate of Aries) as a woman with one
leg extended or uncovered.
68r: In her right hand, the woman holds an
arrow, point down; her left hand rests in her lap. At upper left appears a crescent moon with a face in its
unilluminated portion, while at upper right there is a crescent moon with a
face seen in profile (the reverse of their arrangement in the Almanacco Perpetuo). In the circle at bottom left is a crab
with a head which curiously resembles the shape of a crescent moon; in the
circle at bottom right is an object which appears to be a moon with a cratered
surface, the right limb of which is shaded.
71r: Here, the crab grasps the tip of the
arrow with its left claw, and the crescent moon at upper right is a simple
lunar glyph, with horns pointing inward.
73r: This version is identical to 71r,
except that the point of the arrow is now hidden behind the woman’s right knee,
and its tail is of a different design.
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 71r Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 73r
Taxonomy of Lunar
representations
Giordano
Bruno, Ars Memoriae (1582) Giordano
Bruno, De Imaginum Compositione
(1591)
Tarocchi di Mantegna (c1465) Hans
Sebald Beham (1530/40)
woodblock
print of the Moon (C. Warnock) 15th
century Italian representation of the Moon
(C.
Warnock)
Sayyid
Muhammad b. Amir Hasan Su’udi (1582) Indian
representation of the Moon
Based on these data, it can be said that the Moon is generally
portrayed as
woman (though the
figure in the Tarocchi di Mantegna
may be male), and is usually seated on a throne or in a chariot. In her right hand, she holds an arrow
with the point down, or a hunting horn (both of these are probably references
to her association with Artemis, the goddess of the hunt). In her left hand, the woman sometimes
holds something else—a spear (Warnock), or possibly a torch (in the 15th
century Italian illustration).
The moon is associated with a dragon (Bruno 1591), with horses (Tarocchi di Mantegna), and in the Beham
engraving, her chariot is drawn by paynims; in Bruno’s De imaginum compositione (1591), it is drawn by two women.
An image of the crab, the sign of Cancer, may appear in a circle or
wheel (Bruno 1582, 1591; Beham; 15th century Italian
representation). An image of a
crescent moon may also appear (at upper left in Bruno 1582; on a disk which
covers the woman’s secrets in the Warnock woodcut and in the 15th
century Italian representation).
The crescent moon glyph may also appear (at upper right in Bruno 1582
and in the Warnock woodcut, but floating ahead of the woman in the Beham
engraving).
The Islamic representation is simply the moon rising over a landscape, while
the Indian representation has the figure riding on a deer. Neither of these is of any particular
relevance to the illustrations we are analyzing.
The representations in the Almanacco
Perpetuo and in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia
most closely follow the one which appears in Bruno’s Ars Memoriae (1582), where both a crescent moon with a face and a
simple crescent moon glyph appear.
However, as in the case of the Sun, the association of just one
constellation with the Moon appears to have troubled the illustrator of the Almanacco Perpetuo, and a second image
has been added at lower right, something resembling the pages of an open book;
whatever this object is, the writer of Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia has replaced it with a picture of the cratered lunar disk,
shaded on the right. I can find no
precedent for these strange second images associated with the sun and moon.
e.
Representations of Mercury
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 69r
Almanacco Perpetuo portrays Mercury as a man standing on a hill
or a wall, wearing a winged helmet, cuirass, and boots. In his right hand is the caduceus, and
his left hand is extended. The
Mercury glyph appears at upper right.
At the bottom of the engraving are two circles. The left circle contains an image of a
woman with a scepter in her right hand (Virgo); the right circle contains two
male children embracing (Gemini).
There are three labels:
VIRGI above the left circle, GEMINE above the right circle, and CASA
DMERCURI beneath the feet of the figure.
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia closely follows this
model, although there is no hill or wall to be seen in the background.
69r: There are no circles surrounding the
small images of Virgo and Gemini, and no labels. Virgo is seated and has her right hand extended, but has no
scepter.
71v: Here, Mercury holds the caduceus in his
left hand, and rests his right hand in his lap; the Mercury glyph has been
shifted to upper left; the small figure of Virgo holds a scepter in her right
hand. Very strangely, Gemini has
been replaced by what appears to be a scorpion (Scorpio) at lower right!
74r: As in 71v, Mercury holds the caduceus
in his left hand, and rests his right hand in his lap, with the Mercury glyph at
upper left; as in 71v, one of the signs conventionally associated with Mercury
appears (Gemini, at lower right); but the other has been replaced by a sign
which is not associated with Mercury—in this case, at lower left there appears
a centaur shooting an arrow (Sagittarius).
This is especially strange because Sagittarius and Gemini are
diametrically opposite to each other in the zodiac.
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 71v Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 74r
Taxonomy of Mercury
representations
Giordano
Bruno, Ars Memoriae (1582) Giordano
Bruno, De Imaginum Compositione
(1591)
Tarocchi di Mantegna (c1465) Hans
Sebald Beham (1530/40)
woodblock
print of Mercury (C. Warnock) manuscript
representation of Mercury
(C. Warnock)
Sayyid
Muhammad b. Amir Hasan Su’udi (1582) Indian
representation of Mercury
Based
on the data collected, it may be said that Mercury is usually represented as a
man wearing a winged helmet and (often) with winged boots. He may appear standing or seated on a
throne or in a chariot.
In
his right hand (but in his left hand in Beham’s engraving), he holds the
caduceus (or simply two coiled snakes in the Warnock woodcut). Usually there is nothing in his left
hand, but in both representations given by Warnock he is holding an object in
his left hand—possibly a bag of money or a garment. In the Tarocchi di Mantegna, he appears to be playing a pipe
or flute which is held in the left hand.
Mercury
is associated with eagles (Bruno 1582, 1591, Beham), or with a rooster (Tarocchi di Mantegna)—perhaps this is “a
cock for Aesculapius.” There is
also a severed head lying between his feet in that same representation.
The
two signs ruled by Mercury may appear at the bottom of the picture—Gemini on
the left and Virgo on the right (in both representations given by Warnock, and
in Bruno 1582, where both Gemini and Virgo have been Christianized as angels);
or Virgo on the left and Gemini on the right (Bruno 1591, Beham).
A
star appears at upper left (Bruno 1582), but covers the figure’s secrets in the
Warnock woodcut. The Mercury glyph
may also appear—at upper right (Bruno 1582), at lower right (Warnock woodcut),
or floating ahead of the figure (Beham).
As
in other cases, the Islamic and Indian representations appear to be irrelevant;
it is interesting to note, however, that the Indian representation has Mercury
riding a tiger (“there was a young lady of Niger . . .”).
Two
of the illustrations in Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia (71v and 74r) are a bit unusual in placing the caduceus in
Mercury’s left hand (though in this they follow Beham and Warnock’s manuscript
representation), but extremely anomalous in associating Mercury with the Virgo
and Scorpio (71v) and with Sagittarius and Gemini (74r).
f.
Representations of Venus
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 69v
Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 164
These last two (Venus and Saturn) may well be the key to the whole
thing! In the Almanacco Perpetuo, Venus appears as a seated woman with long hair,
wearing a gown. In her right hand
is an orb, shaded on one side.
Here left hand rests in her lap, but appears to be pointing toward
bottom left. Above the orb is an
eight-pointed star with a hollow center. At top right, the Venus glyph appears. There are two circles at the bottom of
the picture, with a pair of scales in the left circle (Libra) and a reclining
bull in the right circle (Taurus).
There are three labels:
LIBRA above the left circle, TAUR above the right circle, and CASA D
VENERE beneath the woman’s feet.
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia again makes some strange mirror reversals of
the image in
the Almanacco Perpetuo.
69v: Here we see the same woman in the same
position, but the figure is reversed!
She holds an orb in her extended left hand, while her right hand rests
in her lap, pointing toward bottom right.
There is some suggestion of an object in this hand, perhaps a set of
keys? Above the orb is an
eight-pointed star. The Venus
glyph appears next to the figure’s head at upper left. At bottom left there is a pair of
scales (Libra); at bottom right there is a reclining bull (Taurus). There are no circles or labels. Thus, although the woman has been
reversed, the small images of Libra and Taurus have not been reversed from
their arrangement in the Almanacco
Perpetuo.
72r: Here, the woman is sitting, as if
cross-legged on ground, and the whole composition is compacted vertically. Otherwise it is identical to 69v.
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 72r
Taxonomy of Venus
representations
Giordano
Bruno, Ars Memoriae (1582) Giordano
Bruno, De Imaginum Compositione
(1591)
Tarocchi di Mantegna (c1465) Hans
Sebald Beham (1530/40)
woodblock
print of Venus (C. Warnock) manuscript
representation of Venus
(C. Warnock)
Sayyid
Muhammad b. Amir Hasan Su’udi (1582) Indian
representation of Venus
Based on the data collected, it may be said that Venus is represented
as a female figure with hair emphasized (long in Bruno 1582, tied up in Bruno
1591, blowing in Beham, very long in the Warnock woodcut, adorned with a wreath
in the Warnock manuscript representation). She sometimes wears a gown, but sometimes appears nude. She may be portrayed standing, or
seated on a throne or in a chariot.
In Bruno’s Ars Memoriae
(1582), she is wearing a winged helmet; while in his De imaginum compositione (1591), she has wings in her hair. In her right hand, she holds either an
arrow (point may be either up or down) or a spray of leaves; the arrow is in
her left hand, however, in the Beham engraving, where she holds Cupid’s leash
in her right hand. In her left
hand, she holds a burning heart or a mirror (note that the woman’s reflection
in the mirror is clearly visible in the Warnock woodcut).
Venus is associated with birds (probably doves), and of course with the
figure of the blindfolded Cupid with his arrows.
A star may appear (a 16-pointed star at upper left in Bruno 1582; a 6
or 8-pointed star covering the woman’s secrets in both representations provided
by Warnock); the Venus glyph appears at upper right (Bruno 1582), floating in
front of the figure in Beham’s engraving.
The signs associated with Venus may appear at the bottom: Taurus on the left, Libra on the right
(Bruno 1582, 1591, Beham, Warnock woodcut); Libra on the left, Taurus on the
right (Warnock manuscript representation). The bull of Taurus may be cut off at the shoulders or may
appear as a complete figure.
The Islamic representation is a female figure, but is otherwise
irrelevant; the Indian representation has Venus riding on a flying horse.
Now this is very interesting:
based on the two representations found on Warnock’s website, the “orb”
which appears in the woman’s hand in both the Almanacco Perpetuo and in Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia must be a mirror, and indeed the figure in 69v may be seen as a
woman looking into a mirror! The
lines in the woman’s lap are not keys, but are probably the spray of leaves
which is seen in both of Warnock’s illustrations. Research is required to ascertain what plant this may
be. For once, the rulerships are
correct—studiously so. Could it be
that in the Almanacco Perpetuo she is
holding the mirror out to catch the reflection of the star?
g.
Representations of Saturn
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 70r
Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 165
The Almanacco Perpetuo
portrays Saturn as a seated man with a beard, wearing a robe girded in the
middle. In his right hand, he
holds a scythe with a double blade extended over his head. Just opposite the blade, as if part of
its attachment to the shaft, is an 8-pointed star, and just below it, next to
his hand, is the Saturn glyph. In
his left hand is a circular object with two rims, joined by 2 triangles at the
apex, something like a big wedding ring.
There are two circles at the bottom: in the left circle is a sea-goat (Capricorn); on the right
is a female water-carrier, pouring water from a vessel (Aquarius). There are three labels: CAPRI above the sea-goat, AQUA above
the water-carrier, CASA D SATUR beneath the figure’s feet.
In
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, Saturn is the
same figure, but has a longer beard, a bald head, and his scythe blade is
single-edged. Everything appears
in the same arrangement as in the Almanacco
Perpetuo, but with two very important exceptions: first, instead of the “ring,” Saturn is holding an orb
exactly like the one held by Venus in
69v (but without shading), and he grips it in the same way—so there can
be little doubt that Saet’lo Xiromant’ia
portrays Saturn holding a mirror!
Second, instead of Aquarius at lower right, there is a prancing bull
(Taurus). There are no labels or
circles.
So
once again, we see the unaccountable replacement of a sign associated with the
figure with another sign which is not associated with it. In this case, there is a possible
explanation—the bull drawn at lower right is identical to the bull which
appears in the Venus illustration on the facing page. The bull could have been copied from the facing page
(assuming the pages were produced in that order), though there is no rational
reason for it.
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia 69r-70v. Note the
resemblance of the bull associated (incorrectly) with Saturn to the bull
associated (correctly) with Venus on the facing page.
Taxonomy of Saturn
representations
Giordano
Bruno, Ars Memoriae (1582) Giordano
Bruno, De Imaginum Compositione
(1591)
Tarocchi di Mantegna (c1465) Hans
Sebald Beham (1530/40)
Saturn (mediaeval manuscript,
http://galileo.rice.edu/images/things/saturn_manuscript.gif)
Renaissance representation of Saturn
(http://www.metasymbology.com/saturn.html)
Two representations of Saturn with sickle (pruning hook)
(http://www.geocities.com/serpentofgnosis/Saturn.html)
Saturn with the signs of Aquarius and Capricorn
(C. Warnock)
woodblock
print of Saturn (C. Warnock) Sayyid
Muhammad b. Amir Hasan Su’udi (1582)
Turkish representations of Saturn (E. Baer) Indian
representation of Saturn
Based
on the various representations of Saturn assembled here, it can be said that
Saturn is generally portrayed as an aged man with a beard, usually wearing a
hat. He is sometimes bald, and
although he may be pictured sitting on a throne or riding in a chariot, his
demeanor is often that of a beggar—nude or partially clad in shabby clothing,
supporting himself with a crutch or cane.
This portrayal of Saturn as a beggar is reminiscent of Wotan (walking
among mortal men disguised as a beggar); the Islamic representations of Saturn
(along with those of Mars) are the only ones which closely parallel the western
conventions; in the Islamic sources, Saturn is portrayed as an old beggar with
a beard, crouching shirtless in the street or next to the road, either bald or
wearing a tall hat. Like the
western version of Saturn, he bears a scythe (barely distinguishable from the
axe carried by Mars in Islamic representations). This portrayal of Saturn as a being who frequents public
thoroughfares is closely parallel to the western conception of him, and also
brings to mind the Abkhaz legend of the “Prince of the Dead,” which was the
subject of my other short paper.
Saturn
is generally represented holding a large scythe (or, alternately, a sickle);
obviously this motif has survived into modern times as “Father Time” or the
“Old Year,” commonly associated with New Year’s Eve—a thinly-disguised
representation of Saturn. The
scythe may curve back overhead from left to right, or may hang back over
Saturn’s shoulder, or it may rest on the ground (also with the blade extending
from left to right). There is only
one instance here (“renaissance representation of Saturn”) where the blade
points to the left. When Saturn
holds a sickle, he usually brandishes it overhead in a threatening manner, with
the point away from him. The
scythe or sickle may be held in either hand (10 times in the right hand,
including all of the Islamic representations; three times in the left
hand). In his other hand (usually
the left), Saturn very often holds a crutch, or sometimes an infant whom he is
devouring.
Saturn’s
chariot may be drawn by two serpents or two cockatrices, biting their
tails. In some cases he is
accompanied by his children, whom he is about to devour. In the Warnock woodcut, the child
water-bearer does double duty as a representation of Aquarius and as Saturn’s
potential child victim.
A
16-pointed star appears at top left in Bruno’s Ars Memoriae (1582), while in three of the representations,
Saturn’s secrets are covered by a six-pointed star. The Saturn glyph may also appear (at top right in Bruno
1582; floating in front of the figure in Beham’s engraving.
Sometimes
the signs ruled by Saturn appear at the bottom of the picture—Aquarius on the
left and Capricorn on the right (Bruno 1582, Beham, both representations
supplied by Warnock, one of the “pruning hook” illustrations); or Capricorn on
the left and Aquarius on the right (Bruno 1591, Rice University mediaeval
manuscript). Capricorn is
sometimes represented as a sea-goat, sometimes simply as a goat; this appears
to be a common substitution, on the same order as the variants of Taurus as the
head and shoulders or as the entire figure of a bull.
The
Indian representation of Saturn (a warrior riding a bull, armed with a sword
and trident) does not seem particularly relevant.
Thus,
the portrayal of Saturn holding a mirror in the Almanacco Perpetuo (and in Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia, which follows it) is highly unusual; as is the substitution in
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia of the bull for
the water-bearer.
Through the Looking Glass?
While
the mirror is one of the iconographic conventions associated with Venus, it is
hard to understand why the depictions of Saturn in both the Almanacco Perpetuo and Saet’lo Xiromant’ia have him holding a
mirror. There appears to be no
precedent for this. It should be
noted, however, that in astrological lore, Venus and Saturn are often described
as being “friends”—as having a mutual affinity, despite the marked contrast
between them (as the “lesser benefic” and the “greater malefic”).
Since
the representations of Venus and Saturn appear on facing pages in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, it might be
possible to explain the substitution of Taurus for Aquarius in the Saturn
illustration, as well as the identical orbs held by both figures, in terms of
the copying of elements from the left-hand page onto the right-hand page. However, this fails to explain why both
figures are holding mirrors in the Almanacco
Perpetuo; although they appear on facing pages in that work as well, the
“orbs” they hold are markedly different in appearance.
If
we agree to entertain the possibility that these works contain secret
information in a coded form, it is possible that these two illustrations are an
important part of the message—perhaps even the key to it all.
Not
only are both Venus and Saturn holding mirrors, but they appear on facing
pages. Moreover, the illustrations
in Saet’lo Xiroman’tia contain many
strange left-right reversals of elements found in their counterparts in the Almanacco Perpetuo. As I have already noted, the original
preface to Saet’lo Xiromant’ia
contains repeated references to mirrors.
All
of this may point to the possibility that someone in Europe (perhaps someone
acquainted with Ottavio Beltrano) had built a large reflecting telescope but
had for some reason chosen not to publish a record of his observations. Simonia (1998) argues that
such a discovery [of the Martian satellites] could be made only with
the
help of a reflecting telescope.
Any other telescope of that time (such as
those of Hevelius, Huygens and Flamsteed) suffered from different
aberrations although their objectives were of quite big diameters and
it
was altogether possible to observe the satellites of Mars through those
telescopes. Moreover, in
the late 17th and early 18th centuries the
mathematician, physicist and philosopher Tschirnhaus made large concave
mirrors and lenses; and in 1722 the astronomer Hadley made one of the
first reflectors with a main mirror diameter of 15 cm (Newton and Hook
had built smaller reflectors earlier). (p. 174).
This
idea is, of course, highly speculative, but further study of both works (and
especially of earlier editions of the Almanacco
Perpetuo) may provide additional evidence. It is very interesting to note that in the Venus
illustration in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia
(69v), and especially in its counterpart in the Almanacco Perpetuo (p. 164), Venus can be construed as holding out
her mirror to reflect the star which appears just above it in both versions!
Page 21v (not available to me) contains
the following very interesting statement:
“First we must know that God created the Sun and Moon and ordered that
the Moon should receive its light from the Sun. The Moon itself is a
blank. The Moon illuminates us
after receiving its light from the Sun” (Simonia 1999:¶40 [italics mine]). This passage may well a survival of an
ancient idea mentioned by Plutarch and later affirmed by Averroës (Ariew 1992), namely that “the full moon is
itself in uniformity and luster the finest and clearest of all mirrors”
(Plutarch, De facie quae in orbe lunae
apparet, 921A), and that the irregular features which appear there are in
fact the reflections of the earth’s oceans and continents.
It is equally possible that these repeated references to mirrors hint
at some occult use of mirrors—a technology as yet unrecognized by science.
The
juxtaposition of a mirror in the left hand of Venus (benefic) and a mirror in
the left hand of Saturn (malefic, associated with the color black) is also
highly interesting. This brings to
mind once again the “black mirror” of western occultism, and especially the
contrasting shining mirror (aspaqlarya
de-nahara) and opaque mirror (aspaqlarya de-la nahara) mentioned
repeatedly in the Zohar, both of
which are associated with prophecy (Bereshis
A 17:193). Moreover, the
images of Venus and Saturn appear on facing pages (69v-70r) in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia—another sort of
mirroring.
These
associations may have more than a merely speculative basis, when considered in
light of the Abkhaz folktale about “The Man who Used to Swear by the Prince of
the Dead,” which I have analyzed in my other short paper. This story demonstrates the existence
in the Caucasus of a native tradition about mirrors, embodying ideas of
considerable depth and complexity.
Left-Handed
Combatants?
It
should also be stressed that it is highly unusual in planetary representations
to portray the planets holding their characteristic objects (especially
weapons) in the left hand. An
exception may be seen below, where the planetary representations are arranged
in two files to left and right of center (an arrangement suggestive of the
astrological doctrine of doryphory).
Here, the figures on the right hold their weapons in the left hand,
extended away from the center; yet even here, something anomalous appears—why
is Jupiter (on the left) holding his scepter in his left hand?
17th century Rosicrucian diagram of the seven planets and 12
signs (http://fourhares.com/freemasonry/alchemical_wedding.html)
10.
Synopsis of the Perpetual Almanac (76v)
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 76v
Almanacco
Perpetuo, p. 185
This
page, in both almanacs, appears to present a synopsis of the 28-year perpetual
almanac cycle. This is a good
place to summarize the data found in this table and to check it against what
appears on the preceding pages:
Almanacco Perpetuo
[page
185] [perpetual
almanac, pp. 145-150]
year ruler
sign
pictured lord
of year sign ruler
1720 Mars Scorpio Mars;
Sco./Tau. Venus Scorpio Mars
1721 Sun Sagittarius Sun Sun Sagittarius Jupiter
1722 Moon Sagittarius Jupiter;
Pis./Sag. Moon Sagittarius Jupiter
1723 Mars Capricorn ----- Mars Capricorn Saturn
1724 Mercury Capricorn Mercury;
Vir./Gem. Mercury Capricorn Saturn
1725 Venus Capricorn Venus;
Lib./Tau. Venus Capricorn Saturn
1726 Jupiter Aquarius Saturn;
Cap./Aqu. Saturn Aquarius Saturn
1727 Sun Aquarius Sun;
Leo/Moon Sun Aquarius Saturn
1728 Moon Pisces Moon;
Can./Moon Moon Pisces Jupiter
1729 Mercury Pisces ----- Mercury Pisces Jupiter
1730 Jupiter Aries ----- Jupiter Aries Mars
1731 Venus Aries ----- Venus Aries Mars
1732 Jupiter Taurus ----- Saturn Aries Mars
1733 Moon Taurus ----- Moon Taurus Venus
1734 Mars Taurus Mars;
Sco./Tau. Mars Taurus Venus
1735 Mercury Gemini Mercury;
Vir./Gem. Mercury Gemini Mercury
1736 Jupiter Gemini ----- Jupiter Gemini Mercury
1737 Jupiter Libra ----- Saturn Libra Venus
1738 Sun Cancer Sun Sun Cancer Moon
1739 Moon Leo ----- Moon Leo Sun
1740 Mars Leo ----- Mars Leo Sun
1741 Jupiter Scorpio ----- Jupiter Leo Sun
1742 Mercury Libra ----- Venus Virgo Mercury
1743 Mars Libra ----- Saturn Virgo Mercury
1744 Sun Libra Sun;
Leo/Moon Sun Libra Venus
1745 Saturn Virgo ----- Mars Libra Venus
1746 Venus Virgo Mercury;
Vir./Gem. Mercury Libra Venus
1747 Jupiter Scorpio Mars;
Sco./Tau. Jupiter Scorpio Mars
I
have indicated with bold type those instances (in the first three columns)
where the summary does not match either the illustrations or the text found in
the almanac itself, as well as those instances (in the fourth column) where an
“erroneous” association has been made.
It thus becomes evident that the correspondence between the summary and
the preceding almanac pages is quite good. Not so with Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia (see next page).
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia
[page
76v; 75v-76r] [perpetual
almanac, pp. 60v-74r]
year ruler sign pictured lord
of year sign ruler
1652 Mars Taurus Jupiter;
Pis./Sag. Jupiter Gemini Mercury
1653 MercuryGemini Libra Saturn Libra Venus
1654 Jupiter Gemini Sun;
Leo/Moon Sun Cancer Moon
1655 Saturn Libra Leo;
Sun Moon Leo
Sun
1656 Sun Cancer Mars;
Ari./Sco. Mars Leo Sun
1657 Moon Leo Jupiter Jupiter Leo Sun
1658 Mars Leo Virgo;
Venus Venus Virgo Mercury
1659 Jupiter Leo Virgo Saturn Virgo Mercury
1660 Venus Virgo Sun;
Leo/Moon Sun Libra Venus
1661 Saturn Virgo Libra;
Venus Mars Libra Venus
1662 Sun Libra Libra;
Venus Mercury Libra Venus
1663 Mars Libra Jupiter;
Ari./Sag. Jupiter Scorpio Mars
1664 MercuryLibra Scorpio;
Venus Venus Scorpio Mars
1665 Jupiter Scorpio Sun Sun Sagittarius Jupiter
1666 Venus Scorpio Moon;
Can./Moon Moon Sagittarius Jupiter
1667 Sun Sagittarius Mars;
Ari./Sco. Mars Capricorn Saturn
1668 Moon Sagittarius Mercury;
Vir./Gem. Mercury Capricorn Saturn
1669 Mars Capricorn Venus;
Lib./Tau. Venus Capricorn Saturn
1670 MercuryCapricorn Saturn;
Cap./Tau. Saturn Aquarius Saturn
1671 Venus Capricorn Sun;
Leo/Moon Sun Aquarius Saturn
1672 Saturn Aquarius Moon;
Can./Moon Moon Pisces Jupiter
1673 Sun Aquarius Mercury;
Vir./Sco. Mercury Pisces Jupiter
1674 Moon Pisces Jupiter;
Cap./Sag. Jupiter Aries Mars
1675 MercuryPisces Venus;
Lib./Tau. Venus Aries Mars
1676 Jupiter Aries Aries Saturn Aries Mars
1677 Venus Aries Moon;
Can./Moon Moon Taurus Venus
1678 Saturn Taurus Mars;
Tau./Sco. Mars Taurus Venus
1679 Moon Taurus Mercury;
Sag./Gem. Mercury Gemini Mercury
The
astounding thing here is that we have finally obtained a key to the meaning of
the system of dating used throughout the manuscript: the sequence begins on the upper right, where the middle
circle starts with T’M (340), and continues clockwise through T’OZ (357) the
last year given at the top of the page.
This sequence corresponds to that of the inner circle, which begins with
CH-K-N-B (1652) and ends with CH-K-O-T (1679). There can be little doubt that T’M (340) is intended to
correlate with CH-K-N-B (1652).
This also matches the series of eclipses (31r-35r), which are designated
by the numbers T’M (340) through T’NG (353), and which have already been conclusively
identified as the eclipses of 1652-1665.
The date T’NIV (366) associated with the summer ingress for 1635 (59r)
remains inexplicable. The
periphrastic values from CH-K-N-I (1660, literally 1000 + 600 + 50 + 10)
through CH-K-N-IT (1669, literally 1000 + 600 + 50 + 19) can be explained as a
way of avoiding the use of the obsolescent letter Y, which is conventionally
used to represent the number 60.
It is now possible to state with some confidence that in its original
form, Saet’lo Xiromant’ia presented a
28-year “perpetual almanac” which covered the years 1652 through 1679, with
additional three additional years keyed to each prognostication resulting in
three further 28-year cycles (1680-1707, 1708-1735, 1736-1763). At some point, strips of paper were
added to update the almanac by 84 years, and these strips listed five (not
four) years each. It appears that
the latest date listed (on page 74r) for the end of the last 28-year cycle was
PLE (535), corresponding to the year 1847. Thus, Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia was in constant use throughout the entire 18th
century and probably into the 19th. It is probable that the book was originally compiled during
the second half of the 17th century and originally incorporated an
early version of the Almanacco Perpetuo
whose almanac section began with the 1652-1679 series. With further research, it may be
possible to locate the precise edition used by the writer of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia.
It is still unclear why a double designation was used for these years,
or what calendrical era began with the year 1312 (which would be year one of
the alphabetical series).
Once
again, I have used bold type to indicate (in the first three columns) those
instances where the summary does not match the text or illustrations found in
the perpetual almanac itself.
Here, we find a very poor correspondence between the. As before, I have also used bold type
to indicate those instances in the fourth column where the illustrations
contain anomalous elements.
The
appearance of a representation of Jupiter in the center of the summary table
not easy to explain. Although it
corresponds to the material found in the almanac (which begins with Jupiter),
it does not correspond to the beginning of the cycle as found in the table
itself.
Beltrano’s
summary table goes around clockwise from 1720 through 1747, but the starting
point is at upper left, not at the top of the right side as in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia. The appearance of the Moon in the
center of the table makes very little sense, since the inscription below the
picture reads “Quest’Anno 1720, domina Venere, con il segno di Scorpione, e ci dà
l’Anno fertile di Vino, Oglio, Seta, Lino, ed ogn’altra cosa appartenente
all’annona” (“This year 1720, Venus being [its] ruler, with the sign of Scorpio,
and makes the year fertile in wine, oil, silk, linen, and everything else which
pertains to Annona”). Annona was a
goddess who personified the annual grain supply to Rome (Welch 2008). One would expect to see a portrayal of
Venus or Mars here (corresponding to the information given here and on p. 159
for the year 1720). Perhaps the
moon was used simply because of its general association with crops and
fertility. It may be worth noting
that Beltrano’s engraving of the moon here is surrounded by exactly 142 rays—I
couldn’t resist the temptation to count them!
Beltrano’s
table contains one feature which is missing from Saet’lo Xiromant’ia:
the middle ring contains an abbreviation, describing each year as either
Fert. (Fertile), Ster. (Sterile), Med. (Medio [“average”]), or Mag. (Magro
[“meager”]). This was probably
omitted to allow room for the mysterious double row of dates.
It
is also very interesting that the table for 1720-1747 has been retained in this
edition of the Almanacco Perpetuo,
which is dated 1754!
Finally,
something must be said of the correspondence between the 28-year cycles as they
are presented in the two almanacs.
When all the data have been tabulated, as above, it becomes evident that
in both cases, the choice of which planet to illustrate at the head of each
prognostication was rather haphazard:
sometimes it was the actual lord of the year; other times it was the
planet which ruled the sign which the lord of the year occupied. Several of the anomalies found in the
illustrations of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia
can be explained in this way. A
careful study of this tabulation reveals two things: first, the reason the summary table in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia (76v) does not correspond to the almanac
(60v-74r) is simply that the table is two years ahead—the year 1654 in the
table corresponds to the year 1652 in the almanac. When this adjustment is made, everything corresponds
perfectly. Why the writer made
this error (if that’s what it is) is inexplicable to me at this point. Second, the cycle which begins with
1720 in the Almanacco Perpetuo
corresponds to a cycle in Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia beginning with the year 1666 (which, as we have just seen,
should be corrected to 1664). Both
these cycles begin with Venus as lord of the year, and once the two-year
correction is made to the summary table in Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia, everything falls into place—since 1664 and 1720 are exactly 56
years (or two 28-year cycles) apart.
11. Illustration heading the Perpetual Lunary (99v)
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 99v
Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 13
Description and Interpretation
This
page definitely corresponds to page 13 in Beltrano’s Almanacco Perpetuo, as is demonstrated not only by the similarity
of their illustrations, but also by the fact that the Georgian chapter-heading
reads tavi meocda tertmet’e mtvarit
sauk’unod burjebisa da mis xasiatis shet’q’oba (“thirty-first chapter: perpetual observation of lunar signs
and phases”)—a description which closely matches the title given in the Italian
text.
Beltrano’s
“Lunario Perpetuo” is headed by an engraving of the sun and moon, both with
human faces. The sun’s face (on
the left) is surrounded by 12 flames (or, to be precise, by six triangles and
six flames), and exactly 180 rays.
Unlike the 142 rays I counted on page 185 (a number which doesn’t appear
to signify anything in particular and is probably a meaningless by-product of
the engraving process), this number 180 has great astrological
significance. It is exactly half
the number of degrees in the zodiac; and if the degrees are alternately
designated as “bright” and “dark,” as is sometimes done, then each pair of
degrees equates to a day and a night, so that there will be exactly 180 of
these pairs. It is difficult to
say whether this number of rays was created intentionally or not, but it is an
interesting possibility—especially since they fit into the larger matrix of the
12 flames, which are very likely intended to represent the 12 signs of the
zodiac.
While the sun’s gaze appears to be
directed slightly to the left, the moon is looking toward the right. The left side of its face is framed by
a crescent (with three belts of shading—in the center and at both points); this
face and crescent are both surrounded by a larger circle which has deep shading
on the right side, tapering off toward the top and bottom, and three belts of
lighter shading on the left side.
The corresponding illustration in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia (99v) is of great
interest: like the Almanacco Perpetuo, it places the sun on
the left and the moon on the right, and both have faces. However, some mirror-reversals have
been done: both luminaries appear
to be directing their gaze toward the star-like object which has been inserted
between them, and the crescent now frames the right-hand side of the moon’s
face. Moreover, there is no larger
circle surrounding the crescent, but instead there is a larger circle
surrounding the sun and its rays—the reverse of the arrangement seen in
Beltrano’s illustration. The sun
is here surrounded by eight (not 12) flames, and there are five intervening
rays between each pair of flames, for a total of 40. There is a narrow band separating these flames and rays from
the larger circle which surrounds the sun’s face.
The most remarkable thing is the
strange star-like object which occupies the center of the illustration. It is a circle surrounded by six
concave curves which interlock to form a six-pointed star, deeply shaded around
the edges. It has some resemblance
to a fried egg. Just visible on
the right-hand side is a small point, something like the point of a tack or the
stem of a flower. What in the
world does this represent? Most
likely it is a star of some kind; the small point on the right may represent
the tail of a comet. The object
has a sort of organic appearance, and brings to mind some of the strange
botanical illustrations found in the Voynich Manuscript. In the context, however, it seems
obvious that this is a star or comet—but why has the writer of Saet’lo Xiroman’tia inserted a star
between the sun and moon? It may
be an allusion to Genesis 1:16 (“And
God made two great lights; the greater light to rule the day, and the lesser
light to rule the night: he made the stars also”). One possible ramification of this passage is a division of
astrological time into three fundamental intervals: day (when the sun is above the horizon); lunar night (when
the sun is below the horizon and the moon is above the horizon); and stellar
night (when both the sun and moon are below the horizon, thereby surrendering
their rulership to the stars).
If, as seems quite likely, this object is intended to represent a
comet, then which comet was it?
There were no fewer than 25 comets during the 17th century,
including a number of famous ones:
1607 (Halley’s Comet), 1618 (three bright comets in that year), 1664,
1665, 1673, 1677, 1680, 1682 (return of Halley’s Comet), 1683; the comets of
1680 and 1682 were associated with the great conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn
in Leo (October 1682), where they were joined by Mars. This conjunction was heralded by a
solar eclipse (1 September 1682), which was visible throughout western Europe
(though not in the Caucasus).
These celestial phenomena were widely regarded as heralding the
apocalypse (Knight-Jadczyk 2008; Espenak and Meeus 2007), and they correspond
well with the probable date of Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia.
The most remarkable thing about this mysterious star or comet is that
the way the pictures are drawn, both the sun and the moon are looking toward
it! This strongly emphasizes the
star as an object of special importance.
However
this illustration is to be interpreted, we have yet another striking example of
a mirror-reversal in Saet’lo Xiroman’tia
of elements from the corresponding illustrations in the Almanacco Perpetuo.
It
seems appropriate at this point to make mention of a phenomenon noted by Durkheim and Mauss (1963), though in
a somewhat different context: “we
regard certain mental operations as simple and elementary when they are really
very complex” (p. 3). The
distinction between left and right, especially the repeated distinction of left
and right (which involves the related operation of counting or enumeration), is
fundamental to our thinking on every level. Though apparently very simple matters, both counting and the
distinction between left and right are operations especially prone to error.
This brings to mind a passage I once read by the
mathematician C. H. Hinton; I cannot lay hands on it at the moment, but the
gist of it was that Hinton decided at one point that rather than devoting
himself to abstract and difficult concepts, he ought to focus his thoughts on
what could be known for sure:
right and left, up and down, the fact that (for example) the position of
a certain red block within a structure was in the third layer from the bottom,
in the back row, fourth from the left.
It was by working from such a simple basis, of course, that Hinton
achieved such remarkable results in visualizing and describing a fourth
physical dimension. As Hinton wrote
in the essay, “Many Dimensions” (1885), “.
. . there
is a no less important branch of self knowledge which seems altogether like a
research into the external world. In this we pass into a closer and closer
contemplation of material things and relations, till suddenly we find that what
we thought was certain and solid thought is really a vast and over-arching
crust, whose limitlessness to us was but our conformity to its limit—a shell
out of which and beyond which we may at any time pass” (¶78).
12.
Crabs and Scorpions
When
I first obtained access to Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia, one of the first things which caught my eye was the curious
representation of the crab (Cancer) on page 68r, with a head resembling a
crescent moon. For comparison, I
have assembled below all three depictions of the crab which are found in the
manuscript, along with the only corresponding illustration from the Almanacco Perpetuo. Notice how all of the crabs have nine
or ten legs and two claws (for a total of 11 or 12), and how the heads of the
other two crabs in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia
(71r and 73r) resemble the crescent moon to a lesser degree—71r in the shape of
its head, and 73r only in terms of its pincer-like mouth parts. Note also that the crab in 68r appears
to have a single eye, while the others have two.
CRABS
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 68r Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 73r
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 71r Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 244
CANCER GLYPHS
Throughout Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
the Cancer glyph is drawn in the conventional western style, as in these
examples:
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 47r Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia, 46v Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia, 109r
SCORPIO GLYPHS
In
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, the Scorpio
glyphs are always drawn naturalistically, in contrast to the more abstract
western version, as exhibited in these examples from the Almanacco Perpetuo:
A.P. 136 A.P.
139 A.P. 140 A.P. 141 A.P.
141 A.P.
142 A.P. 136
S.X., 46r S.X.,
46v S.X.,
47r S.X.,
103v
S.X., 104r S.X.,
109r S.X.,
111v S.X.,
121v
As
seen above, the Almanacco Perpetuo
also uses a naturalistic Scorpio glyph from time to time; indeed, both versions
appear on the same page (136).
SCORPIONS
The
five depictions of the scorpion (Scorpio) found in Saet’lo Xiromanti’ia are assembled below, along with their
counterpart from the Almanacco Perpetuo:
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 67r Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 62v
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 68v Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 71v
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 73v Almanacco Perpetuo, p. 159
In Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia, the scorpions have round heads. Three of them are one-eyed, and two of them have two eyes
and lack mouths. Observe how the
scorpions from Saet’lo Xiromant’ia
have varying numbers of legs (in contrast to the crabs, which have nine or ten
legs), and that there are usually more legs on one side than on the other;
while in the Almanacco Perpetuo, both
the Scorpio glyph and the scorpion depicted on page 159 have eight legs (four
on each side). Also note how the
scorpions in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia hve
two-pronged stings which closely resemble their front claws (yet the scorpion
on 68v has a fish-tail instead, like those of the crabs).
The
distinguishing features of crabs and scorpions in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia may be summarized as follows:
head eyes claws legs tail
Crabs: 2-pronged 2
(or 1) 2 10
(or 9) fish-tail
Scorpions: round 1
(or 2) 2 variable 2-pronged
sting
Let
us see how well these conclusions hold up against a comparison to the
depictions of crabs and scorpions available from the materials already
assembled, along with a few additional examples:
SCORPIONS:
Bruno
1582
Bruno 1591 15th
century Italian
Beham
Warnock woodcut
Voynich
MS, 73r (this little Roman
mosaic (3rd century) Otranto
Cathedral (1160s)
monster
is entirely unique!) (Sacred
Destinations 2008) (Fletcher
2008)
Palermo
Cathedral (1185) mediaeval
representation Hevelius,
Uranographia (1690)
(Joy
of Shards 2008) of
Scorpio (C. Warnock)
E.
Sibly, Occult Sciences (1806) Scorpio
from Nabataean 16th
century woodcut 6th century
mosaic
zodiac
(2nd century) (Thelemapedia.org) from
synagogue
(Nabataea.net) at
Beit Alpha
Based
on these examples, it appears that the representation of Scorpio is fairly
straightforward: a crustacean with
prominent claws and a prominent stinging tail. Indeed, these are the characteristic features of the
constellation of Scorpio, which is very easy to locate in the night sky: the claws being defined by the stars
Graffias (Beta Scorpii) and Iclil (Pi Scorpii), with their extensions into Libra
ending in Zubeneschamali (Beta Librae, “the northern claw”) and Zubenelgenubi
(Alpha Librae, “the southern claw”); and the scorpion’s sting being defined by
the familiar “cat’s eyes”—Shaula (Lambda Scorpii) and Lesath (Ypsilon
Scorpii).
These defining features are evident even in such
bizarre representations as those from Otranto Cathedral (which, like many of
the Scorpio glyphs in Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
looks more like a centipede), Palermo Cathedral (which resembles a spider), and
the mediaeval version provided by Warnock (a lizard with six legs). Such strange variants probably arose in
places where scorpions were unfamiliar.
This lack of familiarity with actual scorpions sometimes resulted in “a distinctively freaky creature that
usually bears only slight resemblance to the real thing: a fat body, a
human-like face on a round head and several curls in its tail” (Sacred
Destinations 2008:¶24), like the creature which appears above in the 3rd
century Roman mosaic. This
description also applies fairly well to the strange round-headed scorpions depicted
in Saet’lo Xiroman’tia. This is hard to explain in light of the
presence of scorpions in the Caucasus; according to the U.S. Army publication,
“A Soldier’s Guide to Staying Healthy in the Republic of Georgia” (2008), “Several species
of scorpions and spiders, some with potentially fatal venom, are present
throughout the region” (¶18). The
scorpion portrayed in the Almanacco
Perpetuo looks much more like the real thing.
CRABS:
Bruno
1582
Bruno 1591 15th
century Italian
Beham
Warnock woodcut
Voynich
MS, 71v Canterbury
Cathedral (early 13th century) Otranto
Cathedral (1160s)
(Sacred
Destinations 2008) (Fletcher
2008)
Palermo
Cathedral (1185) Villa
Farnese ceiling (1575)
Hevelius, Uranographia N. Convers, Tarot
(Joy
of Shards 2008) (Filipas
2001) (1690)
(Filipas 2001) de Marseilles (1760)
(Filipas
2001)
E.
Sibly, Occult Sciences (1806) Cancer
from Nabataean 16th
century woodcut 6th century
mosaic
zodiac (2nd
century) (Thelemapedia.org) from
synagogue
(Nabataea.net) of
Beit Alpha
This
assemblage of crabs demonstrates a great variation in the understanding of what
a crab is—some of these (lacking tails entirely) are obviously crabs, while
others are not crabs but lobsters or crayfish. Some of them (e.g. Sibly 1806) resemble ticks! Cancer, as he appears in these representations,
is “rarely a realistic depiction of a crab; sometimes [it] looks just like a lobster
and other times like a mythical monster with many legs. Sometimes [it] even has
a curly tail like Scorpio” (Sacred Destinations 2008:¶16).
It
appears that most commonly the sign of Cancer was symbolized by a lobster, and
its characteristic feature is a fish-like tail. This has been noted by one student of the Voynich Manuscript
(Robert 1993), who notes that in France, lobsters were more familiar than
crabs. The Voynich manuscript’s
illustration for Cancer is especially interesting because it depicts two
lobsters (or crayfish) facing in opposite directions—a representation which may
be compared to the familiar Cancer glyph.
Cancer
and Scorpius (16th century woodcut)
The
two animals are depicted side by side in this 16th century woodcut,
which is fairly representative of how the differences between them were
commonly understood: both have a
pair of claws, and multiple legs; Cancer has a fish-like tail, while Scorpio
has a curling tail with a prominent sting; Scorpio is practically headless, while
Cancer’s head is elongated.
In
light of all the above, we may revise our table of comparisons as follows:
head eyes claws legs tail
Crabs: variable variable 2 variable fish-tail
or
no
tail
Scorpions: variable variable 2 variable curling
tail
with
sting
This
result is brings to mind Saussure’s concept of language as “a system of
relationships between elements defined only by their differences” (Preucel
2006:42). As the pool of available
data became larger, it turned out that the only certain means of distinguishing
a crab from a scorpion was through the differences in their tails. The other distinctions tabulated
earlier (involving heads and eyes) had some validity in the limited context of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia itself, but were
obliterated as more data were gathered.
Although there is clearly grading
within the two categories, Cancer and Scorpio are of the same taxonomic rank
within the domain of the 12 signs of the zodiac and must be distinguished in
terms of a taxonomic model.
Despite the great variation in how the animals are portrayed and the
difficulty of identifying a prototype, Cancer and Scorpio can always be
identified and distinguished from each other in those representations (such as
the zodiacal wheel) which include them both. “The distinctive features of a category are those features
necessary and sufficient to distinguish a member of that category from members
of all other categories” (Kempton 1981:15).
I have been able to find no
precedent at all for the interesting crab with the crescent-shaped head (Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, 68r) which first
attracted my attention. This
highly original variant was probably intended to suggest a crescent moon, since
the moon rules the sign of Cancer.
A System of Errors?
Beltrano (or this edition of him, anyway) perpetrates so
many egregious errors as to excite feelings of revulsion, and to render much of
his almanac useless to those unable to detect the errors and make the necessary
adjustments. This suggests the necessity,
as I proceed with this research, of examining all known editions of the Almanacco Perpetuo—could it be that
these errors are deliberate and have their origin in the first edition? Could these systematic errors be an
encoded disclosure of discoveries which were never made public? If this is the
case, and the writer of Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia understood the secret, it might well explain his extravagant
praise of Beltrano on page 30r. It
might also have some bearing on the very mysterious references to satellites of
Mars and Venus on pages 4r and 4v—statements which parallel mysterious
near-contemporary references in Swift and Voltaire (Simonia, 2000). The two small satellites of Mars are
mentioned in a passage in Gulliver’s
Travels (1726), where information is given about their size and orbit; yet
they were not discovered until 1877.
Venus, of course, has no known satellites. Could it be that Beltrano, or someone in his circle, had
built a large reflecting telescope, but chose not to make his discoveries known
to the public? Or were these
discoveries achieved through some other means, as yet unknown? Two
planets, two mirrors, two books; Dr. Dee and Mr. Kelley.
Even if Beltrano’s errors are
unintentional, there is reason to believe that the writer of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia has repeatedly and
deliberately changed, reversed, and distorted what he found in the Almanacco Perpetuo, especially its
illustrations. This clever idea of
concealing a message within a constellation of errors may have originated with the
Georgian writer of Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
and may have nothing at all to do with Beltrano. In any case, I suspect that
mirrors had something to do with it; it might even be useful to start examining
some of the pages as they appear in a mirror!
Another very interesting feature of
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia, which I have not
touched on in the present paper, is the presence of an inexplicable series of
consecutive numbers which appear here and there in the margins of the
text. There is every reason to
believe that this manuscript will reward continued study.
Syllabus Errorum
In
light of all that has been said about the strange distortions and reversals
which characterize the use of the Almanacco
Perpetuo by the writer of Saet’lo
Xiromant’ia, it may prove useful at this point to summarize them:
1. Hand diagram
Almanacco Perpetuo,
p. 236
a. LEFT HAND
b. Base of ring finger (on left): Sun
glyph
c. Base of little finger (on right): Mercury
glyph
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
10v
a. RIGHT HAND
b. Base of little finger (on left): mzis mta (mountain of the Sun)
c. Base of ring finger (on right): ot’aridis mta (mountain of Mercury)
[This involves both an
error (designations incorrectly reversed) and a mirror reversal. Indeed, it entails two mirror
reversals, one inside the other—capisci?]
2. Eclipse diagram
Almanacco Perpetuo,
p. 58
a. Sun at top, has one face
b. Solar eclipse
c. One moon
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
30r
a. Sun at bottom, has two faces
b. Lunar eclipse (probably)
c. Two moons
[A top-bottom
reversal, with a further suggestion of mirrors (gemination of objects to either
side of bisecting lines)]
3. Series of Eclipses
3. Series of Eclipses
Almanacco Perpetuo,
pp. 59-64
a. 15 moons
b. 2 total eclipses, 13 partial eclipses
c. 9 partial eclipses shaded from bottom, 4 from top
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
31r-35r
a. 20 moons
b. 4 total eclipses, 16 partial eclipses
c. All 16 partial eclipses shaded from bottom
4. Geocentric Cosmogram
Almanacco Perpetuo,
p. 452
a. 24 stars
b. Circle divided into 12 signs of the zodiac, labeled with
their glyphs
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
36v
a. 31 stars (and three invisible stars)
b. Signs of the zodiac do not appear
5. Major Aspects
Almanacco Perpetuo,
p. 139
Counterclockwise, Taurus on Ascendant
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
46v
Clockwise, Capricorn on Ascendant
[The zodiac has been
reversed, and shifted counterclockwise 120º]
6. Sextiles
Almanacco Perpetuo,
p. 140
Counterclockwise, Cancer on Ascendant
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
47r
Counterclockwise, Taurus on Ascendant
[Counterclockwise
shift of 60º]
7. Oppositions
Almanacco Perpetuo,
p. 142
Counterclockwise, Aries on Ascendant
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
47v
Counterclockwise, Cancer on Ascendant
[Clockwise shift of
90º]
8. Table of Houses
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
48v
The nonsense word asch’t’ich’ani
has been substituted for martaba
(degree).
9. Horoscope for Summer Ingress (21 June
1635)
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
58v-59r
a. Cusp of 7th
house is given as 17 Leo 36 on 58v, but written as 17 Leo 03 on 59r
b. Moon
position given as “3 300 Virgo 46” [for 3 Virgo 46 or 23 Virgo 31?]
c. Date of
T’NIV (366) should read T’K’G (323) to correspond to the year 1635—as written,
it would assign the horoscope to 1678, which is 43 years too late.
d. Month given
is August (should be June)
e. Day given is
the 11th (should be the 21st)
f. Number 41
given for Midheaven—this is incomprehensible to me.
g. Mysterious
object at 11 Aries 07 (unless it is the Pars Fortunae at 11 Taurus 07)
h. Mars
position given as 28 Gemini 11 (for 18 Gemini 11)
10. Perpetual Almanac
Almanacco Perpetuo,
pp. 159-203
Date of spring equinox given correctly as 21 March
(throughout)
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
60v-74r
Date of spring equinox given incorrectly as 11 March
(throughout; cf. 9e, above)
11. Jupiter
Almanacco Perpetuo,
p. 161
Pisces on left, Sagittarius on right (correct)
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
66v
Aries on left, Sagittarius on right (incorrect)
12. Sun
Almanacco Perpetuo,
pp. 166, 178
Scepter in right hand
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
61v, 64v, 70v
Scepter in left hand
[The third mirror
reversal, done three times over]
13. Mars
Almanacco Perpetuo,
pp. 159, 171, 181
a. Comet on left, Mars glyph on right
b. Sword in right hand
c. Scorpio on left, Taurus on right (labeled “Ariete”)—label
is correct, picture incorrect
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
62v
a. Mars glyph on left, star on right
b. Sword in left hand
c. Aries on left, Scorpio on right (correct)
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
68v
a. Mars glyph on left, star on right
b. Sword in left hand
c. Aries on left, Scorpio on right (correct)
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
73v
a. Mars glyph on left, star on right
b. Sword in left hand
c. Taurus on left, Scorpio on right (incorrect, but follows Almanacco Perpetuo)
[Three more mirror
reversals, done three times over]
14. Moon
Almanacco Perpetuo,
p. 167
a. Simple crescent moon on left, horns pointing inward;
Crescent moon on right with face in
shaded portion, horns pointing inward
b. Left hand points to moon with face
c. Right hand holds a torch (?)
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
68r, 71r, 73r
a. Crescent moon on left with face in shaded portion, horns
pointing inward; Simple crescent
moon on right, horns pointing inward
b. Left hand
rests in lap
c. Right hand
holds an arrow
[Another mirror
reversal, done three times over]
15. Mercury
Almanacco Perpetuo,
pp. 163, 172, 180
a. Caduceus in right hand
b. Mercury glyph at upper right
c. Virgo on left, Gemini on right (correct)
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
71v
a. Caduceus in left hand
b. Mercury glyph at upper left
c. Virgo on left, Scorpio on right (incorrect)
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
74r
a. Caduceus in left hand
b. Mercury glyph at upper left
c. Sagittarius on left, Gemini on right (incorrect)
[Another mirror
reversal, done twice]
16. Venus
Almanacco Perpetuo,
p. 164
a. Mirror in right hand
b. Star on left, Venus glyph on right
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
69v, 72r
a. Mirror in left hand
b. Venus glyph on left, star on right
[Two mirror reversals,
done twice]
17. Saturn
Almanacco Perpetuo,
p. 165
Capricorn on left, Aquarius on right (correct)
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
70r
Capricorn on left, Taurus on right (incorrect)
18. Synopsis of the Perpetual Almanac
Almanacco Perpetuo,
p. 185
a. Moon appears in center of table
b. Sequence begins at top left corner, clockwise
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
76v
a. Jupiter appears in center of table
b. Sequence begins at top right corner, clockwise
c. Synopsis has been erroneously advanced ahead of almanac
by two years
19. Illustration heading the Perpetual
Lunary
Almanacco Perpetuo,
p. 13
a. Sun on left, gazing toward the left
b. Moon on right, gazing toward the right
Saet’lo Xiromant’ia,
99v
a. Sun on left, gazing toward the right
b. Moon on right, gazing toward the left
c. Six-pointed star has been inserted between sun and moon
[Two mirror reversals,
one to either side of the insertion.
This amounts to 25 mirror reversals, if duplicate images are counted (or
12, if duplicates are not counted).
There are 15 different images whch entail mirror reversals (or seven, if
duplicates are not counted)]
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